HANDBOUND AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS
With the Compliments of
YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
NEW HAVEN, CONN., U. S. A.
YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH ALBERT S. COOK, EDITOR.
XXXVIII
ENGLISH NATIVITY PLAYS
EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND GLOSSARY
BY
SAMUEL B. HEMINGWAY, PH.D.
INSTRUCTOR IN ENGLISH IN YALE UNIVERSITY
A Thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
NEW YORK
HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY
1909
WEIMAR : PRINTED BY R. WAGNER SOHN
PREFACE
There has hitherto been but little intensive and minute study of the English mystery plays. The texts of some of them have been well edited, and their gen eral aspects and problems have been described by such men as Chambers and Gayley, in books which combine, in a delightful manner, deep scholarship and true art; but the field is so large that in general studies there is neither time nor space for the discussion of minor problems. It is indisputable that the work of Cham bers and Gayley is more important and significant than the minute study of sources, authorship, and the like ; yet the latter, particularly in these plays, has an im portant place.
The work of the present editor in tracing sources has led to several comparatively important conclusions. Almost invariably, writers on the English mysteries, in scant references, assert that the sources of these plays are to be found in the Vulgate and the Apoc ryphal Gospels. The reader thus forms a false estimate of the breadth of learning and culture which the writers of these plays possessed. Let him but glance through the notes on the sources of the Chester and Cov entry plays in this edition, and he will discover how closely they are related to all the contemporary literature of Europe, profane as well as sacred.
Again, there is the problem of the authorship of the Chester plays. Ranulf Higden has long been suspected of being their author; Chambers has done
Preface
admirable work in arranging and interpreting all of the relevant external evidence, but this evidence will not stand alone. It is a strange thing that no one has cared to take the trouble to compare the Chester plays with the undoubted work of Higden. A few hours spent in such comparison have resulted in the discovery of evidence which leaves little doubt of the authorship. The importance of this proof, together with that of the work on sources, is emphas ized in the relation they bear to the larger and more important problem of foreign influence on the Chester plays (see Introduction, pp. xxiv— xxvii).
This arrangement of plays is, I believe, new, and I trust will prove convenient. It tends to emphasize the resemblances and differences between the produc tions of the four dramatists, and also gives oppor tunity for comparisons of many kinds. The Intro duction contains conclusions drawn from materials to be found in the Notes. I have endeavored to make the Notes as brief and condensed as possible, leaving much to the presupposed knowledge of such a student as would be apt to use the book. The Glossary contains only such words as have not survived in modern English in the same or similar form. I have not included a Bibliography, as the one published by Stoddard in 1888, and the additions to it in Litbl. 1888 (3). 117-128, and Anglia 11.325 f., are complete up to their respective dates. All subsequent books which have any bearing on these plays are referred to in the Notes.
My thanks are due, and are here gladly expressed, to the following persons : Professor Albert S. Cook, of Yale University, for his constant interest, suggestions, and advice, as well as for much valuable bibliographical assistance; the late Duke of Devonshire, for per-
Preface
mission to transcribe his manuscript of the Chester Plays; Mrs. J. Arthur Strong, librarian to the Duke of Devonshire, for her courtesy and attention ; Rev. H. N. Cunningham, of Watertown, Conn., for letters of introduction, by means of which I procured access to the Devonshire manuscript; Professor John M. Manly, of the University of Chicago, for advice and en couragement ; Professor William H. Schofield, of Harvard University, for a reference to Higden; Mr. Clarence W. Mendell, of Yale University, for his in terest in my work, and for various suggestions ; the officers and staff of the Yale University Library, for their courteous attention to my requests.
S. B. H.
INTRODUCTION
i. THE PLAYS
The plays of this edition are those dealing with the story of the Nativity of Christ — from the Annunciation to the Adoration of the Shepherds — in the four great English mystery cycles, the Chester, the Coventry or Hegge, the York, and the Towneley or Wakefield. I have not included the Coventry Pageant of the Shearmen and Taylors, the real Coventry mystery, as its text is accessible in the publications of the EETS., and there is little in it that demands annotation or comment. The plays included are : Nos. 6 and 7 of the Chester cycle (de signated in this edition as Ch. I and II); Nos. 11, 12, 13, 15, 16 of the Coventry cycle (C. I, II, III, IV, V) ; Nos. 12, 13, 14, 15 of the York cycle (Y. I, II, III, IV); and Nos. 10, 11, 12, 13 of the Towneley cycle (T. I, II, III, IV). The 14th play of the Coventry cycle, The Trial of Joseph and Mary, I have omitted, as it has no parallel in the other cycles, and is more closely related to C. 8, 9, and 10 than to our group, being taken from the apocryphal account of the life of Mary.
This selection of plays is, I think, a rational one, for, as we shall see later, this group forms an in dependent, organic whole. In its history and devel- opement it is quite distinct from the plays which precede and follow it, even the Magi plays having an entirely separate origin and growth.
ii Introduction
2. THE MANUSCRIPTS
The Chester plays have survived in five manuscripts, The oldest of these, the Devonshire manuscript (re ferred to as D), bears the date 1591, and the signature of Edward Gregorie, scholar of Bunbury (fol. 150b). This manuscript is in the possession of the Duke of Devonshire, and is in his library at Chatsworth in Derbyshire (not at Devonshire House, London, as Dr. Furnivall asserts in the EETS. edition of the Chester plays). It was overlooked by Dr. Deimling, the editor of the EETS. edition, and the part includ ing our plays has never before been published. Through the courtesy of the late Duke and of his librarian, Mrs. J. Arthur Strong, I obtained access to the Dev onshire manuscript, and have used it as the basis of my text in the present edition.
Three manuscripts of the Chester plays are in the British Museum : Additional 10,305 (W, 1592 A.D.), the basis of Wright's edition, Harleian 2013 (h, 1600 A.D.), and Harleian 2124 (H, 1607 A.D.), the latter the basis of Deimling's text. One manuscript is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford— Bodley 175 (B, 1604 A.D.), written by William Bedford.
The plays of the other cycles exist in unique manu scripts. The manuscript of the Coventry plays is in the British Museum, Cotton Vespasian D.VIII, dated 1468. My text is constructed from photographs of this manuscript.
The manuscript of the York plays, dating from 1430 -1440, was until recently in the possession of the Earl of Ashburnham ; it is now in the British Museum, Additional MS. 35,290. It has had a most interesting history, and is fully described in Lucy Toulmin Smith's edition of the York plays. My text is based on the reprint of the manuscript in Miss Smith's edition.
Editions iii
The Towneley manuscript is in the possession of Major Coates, of Ewell, Surrey. It was written in the second half of the fifteenth century, and was long in the library of Towneley Hall, whence it derived its name. It was then for many years in the possession of Mr. Quaritch, the London bookseller, from whom it has recently passed into the hands of Major Coates. My text is based on the reprint of the manuscript in Mr. George England's edition for the EETS.
3. EDITIONS
THE CHESTER PLAYS.
1843—1847. Complete cycle. Chester Mysteries, ed. Thomas Wright, 2 vols., Shakespeare Society. Text 'from the MS. of 1592 [W], with a few corrections from that of 1600 [h].'
1853. The same. Printed as vol. 1 of the Supplement to Dodsley's Old Plays.
1892. Plays 1-13. The Chester Plays, Pt. I., ed. Hermann Deimling, EETS. Ex. Ser. 62. Text from MS. H, with collations of B W h. Pt. II., containing the rest of the cycle, is promised by the EETS.
THE COVENTRY PLAYS.
1823. Plays 11, 12, 13, 15 (C. I, II, III, IV), abridged Ancient Mysteries, ed. William Hone.
1838. Play 12 (C. II), abridged. A Collection of Eng lish Mystery Plays, ed. William Marriott, pub lished at Basel.
1841. Complete cycle. Coventry Mysteries, ed. J. O. Halliwell, for the Shakespeare Society.
1890. Play 1 1 (C. I), abridged. English Miracle Plays, ed. A. W. Pollard. a2
iv Introduction
1900. Play 11 (C. I). Specimens of the Pre-Shak- sperean Drama, ed. J. M. Manly.
THE YORK PLATS.
1885. Complete cycle. York Mystery Plays, ed. Lucy Toulmin Smith.
THE TOWNELEY PLAYS.
1836. Complete cycle. The Towneley Mysteries, ed. J. S. Stevenson, for the Surtees Society.
1836. Play 13 (T. IV). Five Myracle Plays, ed. J. P. Collier.
1838. Play 13 (T. IV). A Collection of English Mir acle Plays, ed. William Marriott, Basel.
1890. Plays 13 (T. IV), abridged. English Miracle Plays, ed. A. W. Pollard.
1897. Complete cycle. The Towneley Plays, ed. G. England, EETS. Ex. Ser. 71.
1900. Play 13 (T. IV). Specimens of the Pre-Shak- sperean Drama, ed. J. M. Manly.
4. THE TEXT OF THE CHESTER PLAYS IN THIS EDITION
Deimling, in his thorough examination of the four manuscripts of the Chester plays which he used — B, W, h, and H — has proved conclusively that the four manuscripts represent two different traditions, B W h forming one group, and H representing the other (see EETS. Ex. Ser. 62, vii-xxix.). H, the youngest of all the manuscripts, he used as the basis of his text, as it furnishes better readings than any of the other three.
The Devonshire manuscript, however, the basis of the text of the present edition, is particularly important as being the oldest of the five manuscripts, as being
The Text of the Chester Plays in this Edition v
representative of Deimling's group, B W h, and as furnishing quite as good readings as the later H.
The evidence in our two plays for the close relation of D to B W h is strong. There are 188 readings in which D agrees with B W h and differs from H ; of these, 85 are significant differences, to be considered as direct evidence ; the other 103 merely show the general tendency in insignificant readings. Moreover, there are only 28 readings in which D agrees with H and differs from B W h, and of these only 1 1 are at all significant. I give a list of references to the more significant readings, and for the others refer the reader to the Variants in general. D's relation to B W h is shown in readings in the following lines (cf. Variants) : Ch. I. stage-direction after 64 (two readings), 94, stage-direction after 120, 136, stage-direction after 160, 170, stage-directions after 172 and 176, 194, 199, after 230, 238, 243, stage-direction after 283, 305, 317, 385, 394, stage-direction after 431, 444, 450, stage- directions after 467 and 479, 508, 543 and 544, 589, 590, 591, 641 a, II. 5, 6, 22, 31, stage-directions after 40 and 44, 48, 54, before 57, 57 and subsequent headings, 71, 78, 95, 101, 104, 114, after 124, 131, 133, 135, after 136, 144, 170, 171, 175, 185, 187, after 191, 232, 238, 248, 253, 262, 265, after 265, 274, 276, 282, 298, 301, 303, 304-305, 313, 318-319, 322, 342, 348, 384-388, 403, 404, 408, 413, 415, 425, 456, 480, 503, 511, 552-553, 555, 562, 578, 584, 589, 656, 677, 685, 691. The evidence against this relation is found in Ch. I. 25, 127, 244, 571, 678, II. 11, after 164, 195, 347, 403, 471.
In 56 places D offers better readings than any other manuscript ; in 34 places D's readings are poor. Compa ring this record with that of H, we find that in only 19 places does H offer better readings than any other manuscript, and that in 58 places its readings are poor.
vi Introduction
D's superior readings are in the following lines : I. 26, 30, 42, after 48, 71, 102, 135, 146, 207, 229, 331, 341, 346, 354, 393, 464, 502, 514, 545, 550, 588, 629, 701, II. 72, 78, 120, 145, 146, 155, 159, 184, 185, 194, 195, 197, 224, 226, 231, 240, 244, 265, 267, 285, 319,390, 399, 513, 518, 536, 539, 546, 550, 647, 652, 654. D's inferior readings are in the following lines : I. 19, 32, 51, 103, 203, 236, 339, 341, 346, 367 abed, 383, 401, after 550, 601, 611, 621, 691, II. 18, 23, 56, 58 (?), 84, 87, 91, 122, 142, 217, 249, 254, 360, 368, 476, 519, 569. H affords the best readings in the following lines : I. 508, 619, 694, II. 22, 54 (?), 123, after 124, 130, 168, 170, 171, after 175, after 191, 221, 233, 286, 352, 505, 668. H's poor readings are in the following lines : I. 93, 94, 194, 238, 305, 317, 394, 444, 450, 464, 590, 591, 648, II. 5, 6, 31, 48, 78, 95, 114, 131, 136, 145, 150, 157, 166, 199, 207, 211, 232, 238, 253, 265, 270, 282, 294, 295, 298, 301, 313, 348, 403, 415, 425, 454, 463, 562, 572, 578, 584, 589, omission of 597-640, 677, omission of 680, 681, 685, 687, 691.
The scribe of H evidently tried to improve his text by emendation and correction (cf. I. 647-650), by inserting the sources of the narrative from the Vulgate (I. Iff.), by adding Latin stage-directions, and by leaving blanks where the stanzaic form seemed imperfect. Sometimes he was successful, but more often he gave the author credit for too much care. In Ch. II. 165-197 he noticeably improves the rime, but succeeds at the same time in destroying the sense and general character of the boy's speech.
D, we have seen, is representative of a group of manuscripts earlier than H, and moreover is as much superior to H as H is superior to the other manuscripts of the earlier group ; it is less elaborated than H, and seems to give a version closer to the original plays.
The History and Development of the Nativity Plays vii
5. THE HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATIVITY PLAYS
Of all the great feast-days of the Christian year, two stand supreme, Easter and Christmas; in the Church services for these two days lies the origin of the modern drama. Easter is a day of spiritual and mystical significance only, Christmas a day full of vital human interest ; and the simplicity and realism of the Christ mas story make it far more adaptable to dramatic purposes. And so, although Easter, in the Church service and in the. liturgical drama springing from it, holds first place, the Christmas service and Christmas liturgy have resulted in a higher form of drama, and in one which has had much wider influence.
The ultimate source of the drama is in symbolism The central point of the Christmas play is the manger, or prcesepe, erected in the churches at Christmas time. We know little of. the early history of the Chapel of the Nativity at Bethlehem, but we do know that it existed in the fourth century, and any service held there at Christmas time must inevitably have been dramatic to some degree. In the eighth century, however, we find in the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore, in Rome, direct evidence of the dramatic nature of the Christmas service. Two boards from the ' true manger ' at Beth lehem had been brought to Rome and incorporated in the manger of this church, and on Christmas day the Pope celebrated mass at Santa Maria, using the manger as an altar. There is no record of any dra matic ritual used at this service, but in the setting of the service, and in the presence of the manger, we find the direct ancestor of the liturgical drama; and in so far as this act of worship is an ancestor of the
viii Introduction
drama, the Christmas play may claim precedence over the Easter play.
The earliest extant ancestor of the spoken drama is, however, in the Easter service. In the ninth century great elaboration and amplification of the liturgy took place, and it is through the change in Church music that the liturgical drama arose. The Gregorian chants had lost favor because of their simplicity, and hence many new melodies were insert ed in them, sung at first not to words, but to vowel- sounds. Soon texts to these melodies, called tropes, began to be written. There is a ninth-century Christ mas trope which for some reason did not survive, but in this same ninth-century manuscript we find the parent of the liturgical drama in the famous Easter trope, ' Quern quaeritis in sepulchro, O Christicolae ? * A Christmas trope was modeled upon this Easter one, when first we do not know; the earliest one extant is in an eleventh-century manuscript of St. Gall, which I quote in full:
In Natale Domini ad Missam sint parati duo diaconi, induti dal- maticis, retro altare dicentes :
Quern quaeritis in prsesepe, pastores, dicite? Respondeant duo cantores in choro :
Salvatorem Christum Dominum, infantem pannis involutum, secundum sermonem angelicum. Item diaconi :
Adest hie parvulus cum Maria, matre~ sua, de qua vaticinando Isaias Propheta : ecce virgo concipiet et pariet filium. Et nun- tiantes dicite quia natus est. Tune cantor dicat exceha voce :
Alleluia, Alleluia, iam vero scimus Christum natrum in terris, de quo canite omnes cum propheta dicentes :
Puer natus est &c. [then follows the Introit.}
Two points should be noted in regard to this play : first, the original Christmas play is a Shepherds' Play ; second, the prophecy of Isaiah is retained from the account of the birth of Christ in Matt. 1. 23.
The History and Development of the Nativity Plays ix
The next step in the development of the Christmas play is well illustrated by this liturgical drama of the thirteenth century (printed in Coussemaker, Drames Liturgiques du Moyen Age, pp. 235 ff.):
In sancta nocte nativitatis Domini, post Te Deum, Angelus assistet, annunciet Christum natum esse et hoc dicat :
Nolite timere, ecce enim evangelizo vobis gaudium magnum quod erit omni populo ; quia natus est vobis hodie Salvator mundi in civitate David. Et hoc vobis signum, invenietis infantem pannis involutum et positum in presepio.
Hoc audientes septem pueri, stantes in alto loco, dicant :
Gloria in excelsisDeo et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis.
Audientes Pastores eant versus presepe, cantantes hoc respon- sorium.
Pax in terra nunciatur,
in excelsis gloria ! Terra federatur
mediante gracia.
V
Mediator homo Deus
descendit in propria, ut ascendat homo reus
ad admissa gaudia.
Eya! Eya!
Transeamus, videamus
verbum hoc quod factum est; transeamus ut sciamus
quod nunciatum est.
Versus :
In Judea Puer vagit,
Puer Salus populi, quo bellandum se presagit
vetus hospes saeculi.
Accedamus, accedamus
ad presepe Domini, et dicamus
Laus fecundee virgini.
Tune Pastores gradiantur per chorum^ in manibus baculos portantes, et cantantes, usque ad Christi presepe :
Transeamus usque Bethleem, et videamus hoc verbum quod factum est, quod fecit Dominus et ostendit nobis.
x Introduction
Jilt's venientibus, duo clerici in presepe content :
Quern qusBritis in presepe, pastores, dicite?
Pastores respondcant :
Salvatorem Christum Dominum infantem, pannis involutum, secundum sermonem angelicum.
Item obstetrices cortinam aperientes Puerum demonstrent^ dicentes versus :
Adest hie parvulus cum Maria matre sua, de quo vaticinando Ysayas dixerat Propheta.
Ostendant matrem pueri dicentes :
Ecce virgo concipiet et pariet filium; et euntes dicite quia natus est.
Tune salutent pastores Virginem, ita dicentes :
Salve, virgo singularis, Virgo manens Deum paris ante secla generatum
corde patris ; adoremus nunc creatum
carne matris.
Versus :
Nos, Maria, tua prece a peccatis purga fece nostri cursum incolatus;
sic dispone ut det sua frui natus visione.
Tune viso Puero, Pastores adorent eum, deinde vertant se ad chorum^ dicentes :
Alleluia ! Alleluia ! Jam vere scimus Christum natum in terris, de quo canite omnes cum prophetis, dicentes:
Postea statim incipiatur Missa, et Pastores regant chorum et can- tent Gloria in excelsis Deo, et Epistola et Tropa. Et unus Pastorum legat lectionem: Populus gentium, Subdiaconus tunica indutus legat epistolam, nullo gradate intercepto. Duo Pastores can- tent in pulpito gradale : Tecum principium. Duo de majore sede content in pulpito : Alleluia, Dominus dixit. Finita Missa, Sacerdos qui missam cantaverit vertat se ad Pastores et dicat hanc antiphonam usque ad Natum.
This play emphasizes most clearly the close con nection of the liturgical play with the Church service, even after the play has gone beyond the mere stage of dialogue, and has become amplified and elaborated.
The History and Development of the Nativity Plays xi
It is not yet a thing apart, arbitrarily inserted in the service, but remains an integral part of the ritual.
Many significant changes in the Christmas play occurred in the interval between the two plays that I have quoted ; elements were introduced which have not only themselves remained in the vernacular plays, but which have also to a high degree di rected the course of their development. Chief among these additions is the appearance of the mid- wives,1 who were doubtless borrowed from the Apocryphal Gospel to take the place of the Mar ies in the Easter plays, and to give variety to the music by the introduction of boys' voices. But al though no other element of the Apocryphal narrative appears in the liturgical play, the basis of most of the English Christmas plays, and of practically all the continental vernacular plays, is not the Scriptural but the Apocryphal narrative. The York Nativity Play proper (Y. Ill) is an exception, but in the other York Christmas plays the Apocrypha is used (cf. Y. II). There are two reasons for the adoption of the Apocry phal version: first, the Apocryphal account contains many more incidents and details which can be adapted for dramatic purposes ; and, secondly (and perhaps chiefly), given the midwife element in the liturgical drama, the natural development will be along the line of the version which includes that.
Other important additions are the shepherds' journey to Bethlehem, their song on the way, and their salutation-lyrics, all of which appear in the English plays, and the last two of which do not appear in the Scriptural or Apocryphal accounts. Notice also the retention of Isaiah's prophecy, but the omission of the
1 The midwives first appear in the tenth-century Freising Christmas play. See Davidson, English Mystery Plays, p. 64.
xii Introduction
command to ' make known abroad concerning the child ' taken from Luke 2. 17, and included in the English plays (Ch. II. 654 if., T. III. 491, 495, IV. 744).
It must be remembered that the liturgical plays which I have quoted are in no way to be regarded sources of the English mysteries, but merely as suggestive of what these sources must have been. There are extant no Christmas liturgical dramas which were used in the English cathedrals, all having been destroyed with the destruction of the monasteries under Henry VIII ; but there are records at Lincoln, York, Salisbury, and Lichfield, of liturgical plays having been given, and our only method of discovering what their nature must have been is to study the general type of Continental plays. Those quoted seem to be repre sentative of the early and late forms respectively.
So far we have been tracing the course of the main current of the Christmas plays ; it is now time to consider some of the tributaries. Of these the chief in its effect, the pseudo-Augustinian prophet-sermon, originated some three centuries before our first extant Officium Pastorum ; and although it probably took dramatic form before the Pastores, the great popu larity and superior appropriateness of the latter soon relegated the prophet-play to a secondary place. The origin and history of this sermon-play I have discussed in the notes to Y. I. 1-144 and 1-132 ; let me here again call attention to the significant combina tion of the prophet-element and the shepherd-element, resulting, in the English plays, in the use of the prophet-play as a transition from the Old Testament to the Christmas plays, and also in the inclusion of prophecies in the Shepherds' Plays proper.
After the dramatisation of the story of the Birth of Christ and the Adoration of the Shepherds, the next
The History and Development of the Nativity Plays xiii
step was a natural and simple one, a dramatization of the events leading up to them, the Annunciation and Visitation. The only extant liturgical drama on these subjects includes both ; it is from Processional C, Archives of the Chapter of Cividale, a fifteenth-century manus cript, printed in Coussemaker, Drames Liturgiques. The Annunciation follows the Scriptural account ver batim ; there is no interval between the Annunciation and the Visitation, but Elizabeth begins her salutation with a rimed couplet, the only original part of the play. She salutes Mary as follows :
Salve chara, Deo grata, Te saluto, sis beata.
She then proceeds with the Benedicta tu in mulieribus, and Mary replies with the Magnificat, which the scribe did not trouble to write out after the first two lines (cf. Y. I. 240). After the play is the direction cHoc completo Corarii intonent Te Deum.' From the records of Lincoln Cathedral we know that there the liturgical play of the Annunciation was given at Christmas time, instead of at the Feast of the Immaculate Conception on March 25 ; it therefore at an early date became part of the group of Christmas plays.
There is practically nothing in this drama which is at all significant in relation to the English plays ; the version in Luke, the version in the liturgical play, and the version in the English plays, are practically identical. There is, however, in the English plays some evidence that liturgical dramas were the sources of the Annun ciation and Visitation plays ; for instance, in Ch. I. 1-4 Gabriel's salutation is not the Ave Maria from Luke, but the Church canticle Ave Maria, composed from the salutations of Gabriel and Elizabeth as recorded in Luke. Again, in Ch. I. 69-112 and C. III. 81-126 we find the Church canticle, Magnificat, with the Gloria Patri
xiv Introduction
at the end, a singular anachronism, to be explained only on the supposition that the author was careless in copying part of the Church liturgy. The fact that the only surviving liturgical drama does not contain these two errors is, of course, not at all significant, for it seems likely that the normal liturgical drama would follow the Church liturgy more closely than the Scripture. Owing to the nature of the case, and the impossibility of much variation in this narrative, such evidence as I have quoted seems quite significant. It also seems significant that with the exception of the Coventry plays, written by a very erudite man, none of the liturgical or ver nacular plays include any of the details given in the Apocryphal gospels of the circumstances attending the Annunciation— the daily appearance of angels to Mary, her going to the well with her water-pot, etc. J We have seen in the Shepherds' Play that the adop tion of the Apocryphal version was largely due to the appearance of the midwives in the liturgical drama ; it seems quite as probable that the absence of Apoc ryphal details in the Annunciation play is due to their absence in the liturgical play, where there was no such need of them as there was of the midwives in the Pastor es.
We have now gone about as far as possible in tracing the relation of the vernacular to the liturgical play. It would be satisfactory, for the sake of com pleteness, if we could find any direct evidence to prove that there were liturgical plays on the subject of Joseph's trouble, which were the originals of the vernacular Joseph plays. For the possible relation of these plays to certain dialogues in the works of the Church Fathers, see note to C. II. 25 ff. Since all these dialogues are in sermons preached at the Feast
The History and Development of the Nativity Plays xv
of the Annunciation, it is possible that they did de velop into liturgical dramas in the same way that the pseudo-Augustinian sermon on the prophets did. Of such dramas, however, there is no record, and, until some record is found, we must admit that it is quite as probable that these vernacular plays are merely expansions of the verses on Joseph's trouble in Matt. 1.
There is one great and highly important change from the tradition of the liturgical drama which evidently / occurred early in the history of the vernacular drama. This is the division of the Officium Pastorum into two parts, a Nativity play and a Shepherds' play. This di vision appears even in the Chester cycle, where there is none between the other Christmas plays. In the Towneley cycle the Nativity play was omitted.
In order to make two plays, much, new material Jhad to be introduced: in the Nativity play the source of this material was the Apocryphal Gospels, in the Shepherds' play the matter is new, and consists of realistic descriptions of the life of the shepherds on V the hills.
Little need be said about the result in the English Nativity play ; the plays speak for themselves. The miracles on the way to Bethlehem, the semi-theo logical discussions on the miraculous birth, the not very beautiful midwife story, all these are interesting and curious, but detract greatly from the charm, and eliminate almost entirely the religious fervor and devotion which are the chief literary glory of the tale. The York Nativity Play, which follows the simple Scripture narrative, is a notable exception. This play is marked throughout by the deepest and most tender feeling ; one of the most beautiful scenes in dramatic literature is Mary's adoration of the child in this play, her mingled love and awe, her joy in show-
xvi Introduction
ing the child to Joseph, their kneeling together to worship him, and the description of the beasts kneel ing on either side of the manger, and keeping the child warm with their warm breath.
The new material introduced into the Shepherds' play is not only interesting, and often good in itself, but is also important in the history of the English drama as furnishing the first comedy. The emphasis and centre of interest has shifted ; it is no longer the manger and the adoration-scene which hold the center of the stage, but the life, the games, the quar rels, the jokes, and the hardships of the shepherds before the angel appears to them. The scene in the stable is, of course, preserved, and is often very beautiful in itself, but it generally holds a decidedly secondary place, and at times seems to be retained merely out of respect to convention. The Towneley dramatist, after writing the Mak interlude, although he was enough of an artist to write a good ado ration-scene, nevertheless seems to have had little interest in it, and used material from the preceding play.
There seem to have been certain traditional hu morous episodes for Shepherds' Plays which have sur vived in different cycles. For instance in the Chester and Coventry Shepherds' Plays we have the shepherds trying to imitate the Angel's song; in Ch. II and T. Ill we have descriptions of a grotesque meal; the impudent shepherd boy appears in both Ch. II and T. Ill, and the shrewish wife element appears not only in the Mak interlude but also in Ch. II and T. III. The fact that all these stock ele ments of humor appear in the Chester play might tend to show that instead of their being all derived from some parent cycle, the other Shepherds' Plays, and particularly the Towneley Prima Pastorum, are borrowed
The History and Development of the Nativity Plays xvii
from the Chester play. The fact that the prophet- element, present in all the others, is absent in the Chester play, would show, however, that there was some other general influence. The shepherd's com plaint, common to all cycles, is so frequent in all Middle English literature that its presence in the mysteries is not at all significant: see note on T. IV. 1 if.
The clever dramatist who contributed the two Shep herds' plays to the Towneley cycle transcended the work of all the others. The famous Mak interlude in T. IV is perhaps the best farce in English literature; it could hardly be improved in plot, in construction, or in characterization. But in minor details also, this dramatist shows his great ability. Notice particularly in the scene in T. IV. 201 if., where Mak enters, the perfect picture of the gullible shepherds made nervous by Mak when he pretends that he is an ambassador from a great lord. But even if the Mak interlude had never been written, the description of the strife be tween Gyb and John Home in T. III. 100 ff. would have made the Towneley dramatist's fame as a hu morist.
The Annunciation and Visitation plays in the Eng lish cycles call for little comment. All of them follow very closely the Scriptural story as it is given in the liturgical dramas. The Coventry Annunciation and Visitation have added to the simple story much theo logy and a mediaeval interpretation of the story from Cardinal Bonaventura of Padua, but, as we shall see later, the original dramas seem to have been as simple as those in the other cycles, and remain in the remod eled plays as the foundation of the plot.
The Joseph plays, we have seen, are the only ones which probably do not come from liturgical dramas.
b
xviii Introduction
In general, these plays are merely realistic pictures of the grief and anger of a man who discovers, or thinks that he discovers, that his wife has been false to him. It is interesting to compare the different ideas of our four dramatists as to what Joseph's state of mind would be. The Chester dramatist does not seem to be at all interested in any such psychological question, and although he does use the episode as a conventional bit of the Christmas story, he dismisses it in a few lines and goes on to matter of greater interest to him. The Coventry dramatist gives us a long and unpleasant play on the subject; Joseph is unnecessarily coarse of speech and angry in heart; there seems also to be more or less tendency to use him as the traditionally humorous cuckold. This play, however, is superior to the Chester and York plays in that it does succeed in giving us a real character, although an unpleasant one. The York play is longer than the Chester, but no more real. The dramatist covers more space by making Joseph relate, quire gratuitously, the story of his betrothal to Mary, by introducing the popular Middle English c Old Man's Lament,' and by making Joseph ask five times who the child's father is. There is no characterization, and no form, to the York play. The Towneley Joseph Play (written as part of the Annunciation, T. I. 155-373) is by far the best of all. Joseph is a very real and lovable old man; one sympathizes with him all the more because he is so tender and loving toward Mary, and his grief seems all the greater, because it is unmixed with anger. The story of the betrothal, so miserably managed in the York play, is one of the most charming features of the Towneley. Joseph in his lonely grief becomes reminiscent, and most naturally in his soliloquy recalls
The Chester Plays xix
how he met Mary and how they were 'weddyd thus togedre.'
We have now analyzed the general characteristics of the Christmas plays, and have considered the development of these characteristics. There are, however, parts of the plays which we have not touched upon at all, the scenes in Rome in Ch. I, the scene in heaven in C. I, the prologue to T. I, and the monologues of Contemplation in C. I and III. These may all be regarded as resulting from idiosyncrasies, as attempts of the several dramatists to elaborate and ornament their plays. The sources of these passages are given in notes ; their significance in relation to other problems will appear later ; but they are of little significance or importance in considering the general history and development of the Christmas plays. Yet it should be noted that the occurrence of the same themes in continental mysteries — the Octavien scenes in the Old French Mystere du Viel Testament, and the Mercy and Truth prologue in the Italian Annunciation (d'Ancona 1. 182) — shows that the use of this material in mystery plays was not original with the English dramatists, although they generally took their material from the original sources, and not from continental mysteries (see p. 25).
6. THE CHESTER PLAYS
A. Their Authorship and Date.
Ch. I and II present some evidence as to the identity of their author, and therefore as to their date. The fact that this internal evidence is fully in accord with the external in the man to whom it points, strengthens
b2
xx Introduction
materially the theory that the Chester plays were written by Randall or Ranulf Higden, a monk of St. Werburgh's, Chester, who took the vows in 1298 and died in 1364, and whose chief claim to fame has hitherto been the authorship of the Polychronicon.
Mr. E. K. Chambers (Mediaeval Stage 2. 348-356) has discussed in full the external evidence for Higden's authorship; for details the student is referred to his work. In order to present a complete case I shall give a brief summary of Mr. Chambers' conclusions, and then proceed to present the internal evidence which I have come upon in studying the sources of these plays.
There are four sixteenth- and five seventeenth- century manuscripts of proclamations and bans, be sides manuscripts H and h of the plays, containing notes on the date and authorship of the Chester plays. From these notes we learn that the plays were written by Don Randle or Rondall (the later manuscripts add the name Higden or Heggenet), that Sir John Arneway was mayor of Chester when the plays were given, that Clement was pope, and that Sir Henry Francis obtained from the pope a thousand days' pardon for all those who attended the plays. Mr. Chambers has identified all these persons. Higden was a monk at St. Wer burgh's from 1299-1364; Sir Henry Francis is menti oned in 1377, and again in 1382, as senior monk of Chester ; Clement VI was pope from 1342-1352. For a long time the chief argument against the credibility of this evidence was the mention in all the manuscripts of Sir John Arneway as mayor, for Sir John was mayor before either Higden or Francis was born. Mr. Chambers, however, has discovered that in Higden's time there was a mayor with a similar name, Richard Erneis or Herneys, and he suggests that it
The Chester Plays xxi
is quite possible that this man's name became confused with that of his more famous predecessor, i the " Dick Whittington" of the city, John Arneway or Hernwey.'
The chief difficulty with this evidence, of course, is that it all appears in such late manuscripts — the earliest being two hundred years later than the plays — and that in this space of time it would be most natural for legend to have fathered the plays upon the most famous monk of Chester, the author of the Polychronicon. If, however, we find the same material taken from the same sources in both the plays and the Polychronicon, if that material is rather unusual, and if we find in the plays references which Higden would be apt to make, the external evidence is some what strengthened. Of course all this will not make the evidence conclusive ; for the use of the same sources might merely show to what books the monks of St. Werburgh's had access ; the author of the plays may merely have interested Higden in the material he was using, or vice versa ; and the source of all the external evidence we have may be the very internal evidence that I am about to present — that is, some sixteenth- century scholar, noticing the resemblance between the plays and the history, may have asserted dogmatically that Higden wrote the plays also. The cumulative circumstantial evidence is, however, quite convincing, and the probability certainly lies on the side of Higden' s authorship. I trust that further study into the sources of the other plays, a task which I have not yet had an opportunity of undertaking, may result in the dis covery of further evidence.
In examining the many mediaeval versions of the Oct- avian-Sibyl myth and the Temple of Peace myth, which form so large a part of Ch. I, I came to the conclusion that in five places the direct source of the Chester
xxii Introduction
version was in the Supputationes of Martinus Polonus (see notes to Ch. I. 201-208, 304-375, 348, 647-701, 714 — 715), and that the Temple of Peace myth came from Alexander Neckam (see note to Ch. I. 575-620). A few weeks later, in reading Higden's Polychronicon, I discovered that in Bk. 4, chap. 3, he quotes Martinus as his source for the same legends to which I have referred, and in Bk. 3, chap. 44, quotes Neckam as his source for the description of the Temple of Peace and the other Virgilian myths which he quotes. (In the passages of the Polychronicon which deal with the matter included in 11. 647-701 and 714-715, Higden quotes the Policratica 3.14, and not Martinus, but the two versions are practically identical.)
The versions in the plays and in the Polychronicon differ considerably in detail, but all differences are easily explicable on the ground that the two works are of so different a nature. The accounts in the Polychronicon are condensed, and often seem to be mere bibliographical references ; those in the plays are naturally expanded and elaborated. There is one rather material change in Ch. I. 352-375, in the pro phecy of the Sibyl. In Martinus and the Polychronicon the prophecy of the Erythraean Sibyl is put into the mouth of the Tiburtine Sibyl; in the play this error is corrected, and the prophecy is evidently improvised. The reason for this, however, is not far to seek ; it is probably not a conscious correction, but a means of avoiding what would have been a very difficult task, the translation of Latin acrostic verse into Eng lish acrostic verse, for if left in Latin it would mean little to the audience. Why in the plays the devil is said to have built the temple, and in the Poly chronicon and Neckam Virgil is the artificer, is not quite so clear. It may have been due, again, to the different
The Chester Plays xxiii
nature of the works : in Neckam and the Polychronicon the temple is merely mentioned as one of the long list of magical devices created by Virgil; in the play the interest is not in Virgil, and all that the spectator needs to know is that it was built by magic. The devil would signify much more to the audience at a mystery play, than would Virgil.
The evidence in Ch. II of Higden's authorship is very slight, and in itself of no significance. It con sists merely of a few references to Lancashire (cf. notes to Ch. II. 117, 120.) One of the few facts known about Higden's life is that he was in some way con nected with Lancashire.
Summary. According to a tradition preserved in nine sixteenth- and seventeenth-century manuscripts the Chester plays were written by Randall Higden, a monk of Chester, in the first half of the fourteenth century ; chance references to other unimportant per sons in these manuscripts can be verified, and the persons referred to identified, indicating that the trad ition is an ancient one. A comparison of one of the plays with Higden's Polychronicon shows that the same material was used in both, and was drawn from the same sources. In another play we find perfectly gratuitous references to Lancashire, a county with which Higden was familiar. The whole trend of evidence points one way — to Higden's authorship, and the date 1328 given in MS. H is a most natural one for their composition.1
1 Cf. Gayley, Plays of Our Forefathers, p. 130, for additional testimony to an early date, based on the general style of the plays.
zxiv Introduction
B. Supposed French Influence.
Whether or not the internal evidence presented above succeeds in determining the authorship of the plays, it is of great importance in throwing light on the old problem as to how much the Chester plays are in debted to French originals. The popular theory has always been that they are little more than translations or adaptations of some French play that is now lost, and the Nativity Play has always been used as one one of the strongest pieces of evidence.
There are four characteristics of Ch. I which are supposed to point directly toward France. They are :
1. The structure of the play. There are no di visions between the Annunciation, Visitation, Joseph, and Nativity Plays, a characteristic of all Old French plays, and not common in England.
2. The Roman scenes. None of the other English plays include the Octavian-Sibyl or Temple of Peace scenes. The Old French Mystere du Viel Testament includes the former, and the Mystere de la Nativite describes the fall of a statue of Jupiter which it had been prophesied would stand * donee virgo pariat.'
3. The language is full of French forms and deriv atives. Octavian makes a speech in French, as do Herod, the Magi, and Pilate in later plays.
4. The first midwife's name is Tebel, as it always is in Old French versions, not Zelomi, as in the English plays and in the Apocryphal Gospels.
Despite these somewhat striking resemblances, I am not inclined to believe that the French influence was particularly strong, or at any rate that the Chester dramatist followed slavishly the conventions of French plays, or borrowed directly from the latter. A few
The Chester Plays xxv
general principles should be borne in mind. First, it should be remembered that a very small proportion of either English or French mysteries is extant. It is hardly safe, therefore, to make dogmatic assertions about what the general type of either must have been. Refutation of the first argument for French influence is easier if we bear this in mind. Although the subject- matter of the English Nativity plays is more split up in the other three complete cycles, we find in the Coventry Pageant of the Shearmen and Taylors, which is essentially an English play, the same absence of division into separate plays as in the Chester Nativitiy. In other words, out of the five extant English Nativ ity plays, three are divided into separate plays, and two consist of single undivided plays. Moreover, in the Chester plays there is a division between the Nativity and Shepherds' Plays, a division which never j appears in the French plays, and which is also lack- j ing in the obviously English Coventry Pageant. Not much weight can therefore be given to the argument from the structure of the plays.
The second general principle to be borne in mind is that the inheritance of the church was the same in both countries, and that the material adaptable for Nativity plays was necessarily small. The appearance of the Octavian-Sibyl myth in plays of both countries does not necessarily show any connection between them, therefore. But it is just here that the study of the sources of the Chester plays and of Higden's connection with them is of great importance. Whether or no Higden was the author of the plays matters little here ; the important thing is that he, who was at least a contemporary of the author and lived in the same abbey with him, quotes non-French authors as his sources for the same legends as appear in the
xxvi Introduction
plays. His quotation of the sources proves beyond reasonable doubt what the sources of the Chester plays were; for they agree in every case with what in dependent investigation would select as the sources. Moreover, after studying the many mediaeval versions of these myths, one is more impressed with the differ ences between the English and French versions than with the resemblances.
The third argument is as easily overthrown. Strange ly enough, Higden himself gives a satisfactory ex planation of the French tone of the language. In the Polychronicon (1.59) he informs us that in his time ' uplandish ' men would liken themselves to gentlemen by busy efforts to speak French. All that need be said about the appearance of French forms, therefore, is that they were used to give an air of refinement to the plays. The language of the English court during the 14th century was still French. The only parts of the Chester Plays written entirely in French are speeches of kings and emperors, evidently in serted for the sake of local color.
The argument from the name of the first midwife can be readily answered. In the two accounts of the birth of Christ which quote Bartholomew as their source, i. e. in this play and in the Golden Legend, the name Tebel or Zebel occurs. It is a natural inference, therefore, that the form Tebel comes from Bartholomew (see notes to Ch. I. 528 and 568). Even in the different manuscripts of Pseudo-Matthew the name Zelomi assu mes various forms, one coming as close to Zebel as Zahel. But the form Zebel is not confined to French litera ture (see note to 528). The only conclusion, therefore, that we may draw from the appearance of this name is that the Chester dramatist was following Pseudo- Bartholomew, and the Coventry dramatist Pseudo-Matthew.
The Chester Plays xxvii
The French influence on the Chester dramatist, I am inclined to believe, was no stronger than upon any other educated and cultivated man of the time. The tradition recorded in MS. H, which in discussing the authorship problem we have seen is probably trustworthy, tells us that the author went thrice to Rome to obtain permission to give the plays. If this is true, he must, in those days of leisurely travel, have seen much of French life and customs, and perhaps also of French mysteries. The inclusion of the Ro man legendary element in his Nativity play may even be due to his having seen it in some French Nativity ; but he took his material from the Englishman Neckam, and from the churchman Martinus, and not from French literature.
Davidson's theory that the plays were originally in Anglo-Norman is based upon the remark in MS. H that Higden went to Rome to obtain permission to give the plays in the English tongue. This might better be interpreted as distinguishing between litur gical and vernacular dramas.
C. General Literary Characteristics. The value of the Chester plays lies rather in their matter than in their form ; they are interesting rather for the problems they present than for any literary excellence. The Expositor's story of the Temple of Peace, the best constructed part of our two plays, shows that the author was a better story-teller than dramatist. His powers of realistic description were not of a low order, either ; the Shepherds' Play, although as a whole a shapeless mass, countains much effec- , tive detail, which was used later by a real dramatist ^ in the Towneley Prima Pastorum. Joseph's argument with the ' Preco ' is also a good bit of realism. The
xxviii Introduction
Chester dramatist shows himself a better translator and versifier than any of our other three dramatists. The Ave Maria in Ch. I retains much of its original beauty, which is quite lost in the limping verse of Y., the rambling style of C., and the elaboration of T. Let me remark in passing that a comparison of these scenes in the four cycles is to my mind strong evid ence against, rather than for, the existence of a parent cycle from which all are derived (cf. Davidson, Engl. Mysteries, pp. 157ff.).
Having granted the Chester dramatist these points of excellence, we can go no farther. He is lacking in most of the essential characteristics of a good dramatist. He has no great interest in his characters except from the outside, no vicarious ability, no power of portraying the feelings and inner natures of his j men and women, and no deep feeling of his own. As illustrations of these deficiencies we need only compare the Joseph and Mary dialogues of Ch. and T., or the Nativity scenes of Ch. and Y.
The general impression one obtains of the Chester dramatist is that he was a man of cosmopolitan tastes and learning, interested in both sacred and profane literature, less of a schoolman than he of Coventry, endowed with some literary ability, but that not dra matic, a spectator of life rather than a philosopher, with a mind active but not deep ; on the whole, a rather delightful and interesting, though superficial personality.
7. THE COVENTRY PLAYS
A. The Problem of their Origin.
The so-called Coventry plays differ from the other English cycles in the following particulars: (1) there
The Coventry Plays xxix
is no credible authority for assigning them to any particular locality ; (2) they were apparently not acted by town crafts or guilds, for no guild name is men tioned in connection with any of the plays; (3) they are full of mediaeval theology and scholasticism.
The legend concerning these plays, from which they have taken their name, is that they were acted by the Grey Friars of Coventry. At first glance the evidence in favor of this legend seems strong, and one is strongly tempted to accept it, as it fits in so admirably with the nature of the plays, with their ecclesiastical flavor, and with the fact that they form the only extant cycle which is not a craft- cycle. Investigation has shown, however, that despite its attractiveness, we are not justified in accepting the evidence, for it seems to have arisen entirely be cause of its attractiveness.
The first man to ascribe these plays to the friars of Coventry was Dr. Richard James, librarian to Sir Robert Cotton, who bought the manuscript, and prob ably derived his information, from Robert Hegge of Durham, a C.C.C. Oxford man, and the first recorded owner of the manuscript. Hegge died in 1630, and the manuscript then passed into Cotton's hands (see Chambers, Med. Stage 2. 419). James, however, does not say that the cycle is Ludus Coventrice, but ' vulgo dicitur Ludus Coventrice,' and Hegge himself had merely written on the manuscript : Theplaie called Corpus Christi. Moreover, James made one serious blunder which alone would weaken his testimony, for he refers to the plays as including merely ' Contenta Novi Testament!.' The process of James' reasoning is easy to trace : it is quite evident both from this and other testimony that the friars of Coventry were accustomed to give mystery plays ; James, chancing upon a cycle that bore
xxx Introduction
the name of no town nor craft, and that was unusu ally full of theology, decided that this probably was the cycle. Not having the modern scholarly spirit, he asserted that they were the plays he thought they were, not merely that he thought so. In referring to them as plays on the New Testament he showed that he had not read them carefully, and that he had confused with the friars' plays the craft-plays of Coventry, which probably did contain only New Testament material.1 The next piece of evidence, based largely on James, is in Dugdale's History of Warwickshire, 1656, where he says on James' authority that these are the plays played by the Grey Friars of Coventry. He does give us, however, more evidence of the fact that the Grey Friars did give some plays, for he says that old men of the town told him in his youth of the great crowds of people they, in their youth, had seen flocking to the plays given by the friars. This infor mation has been too much doubted. It is true that the monasteries were closed in 1538, and that Dugdale was not born until 1605; it has therefore been asser ted that the plays the old men referred to were the craft-plays, which were not discontinued until 1580. I am inclined to believe, however, that Dugdale knew whereof he spake. In the first place there would be nothing particularly remarkable in having seen people that remembered things that happened only twenty- five years before his birth, and he would hardly emphasize the fact that in his youth old men told him about them. In the second place, it is by no means im possible that he is telling the literal truth. Notice that he does not say that the old men described the plays to him or really remembered them at all, but merely
The extant plays of this cycle, referred to on p. 1, are pub lished by the EETS., Ex. Ser. 87.
The Coventry Plays xxxi
that they remembered the crowds and their excitement. I personally recall having had described to me, as a child, by my grandmother, a similar event, which occurred over sixty years before I was born, and of which she was an eye-witness at the age of five. Of course, Dugdale's testimony proves nothing about our plays, but it does to me give satisfactory proof of the fact that the Grey Friars of Coventry gave some plays.
The Coventry Annals for 1492, which unfortunately were written in the 17th century, mention the fact that in that year the Grey Friars played before the king.
In addition to the destructive criticism of the Cov entry myth, which has proved entirely that the external evidence is not to be relied on, in so far as it tries to prove that these are the plays written and presented by the friars, there has been also construc tive criticism, which supports the destructive. Ten Brink (2.283) has shown that the dialect of these plays is Northeast Midland, and that therefore it is linguistically impossible that they should have come originally from Coventry.
There is one rather ambiguous bit of information contained in the general prologue to the plays, which should be mentioned before we go further. At the close of the Prologue are these lines :
A Sunday next, yf that we may, At vj. of the belle we gynne oure play In N. towne, wherfore we pray That God be goure spede. Amen.
From this it has been argued that the plays were given by strolling players, the 4N.' of CN. towne7 standing for Nomen (as in the church marriage service), to be filled in as the case required.
xxxii Introduction
Chambers suggests that the CN.' may stand for 4 Norwich ' (or presumably for any other Northrast Mid land town beginning with N. whose name would fit the metre), and that this advertisement was merely sent around to the surrounding villages. Hohlfeld (Anglia 11) thinks they may have originally been played by Coventry friars, and then by a company of strolling players, the craft-plays of Coventry having driven the friars' plays out of business. Gayley (Plays of our Forefathers, p. 136) has recently offered a more suggestive theory. He proposes the idea that these are the lost plays of the Lincoln cycle, which we know was similar, in that it contained many plays on the life of the Virgin, and that afterward they were used by a company of strolling players.
I call Gayley's theory suggestive, not that I agree with it in detail, for it seems to share with Chambers' the fault of trying to be altogether too specific, con sidering the small amount of material they had to work from, but that it recognizes the composite nature of the cycle, and the fact that the Prologue is not entirely in accord with the plays themselves.
My own theory I will state here, and present some of the evidence in detail in the next section. After analyzing the plays and studying the sources, I am led to believe that the original plays did not contain the theological element, but were very similar to the other English plays. They may have been craft-plays which later fell into the hands of strolling players, or more probably they were originally written for a traveling company. The prologue was written for this original cycle ; we shall see later that the omissions in the prologue are always of the theological additions, and that in reading the prologue one would not realize that these plays differed markedly from other
The Coventry Plays xxxiii
English mysteries. After a time this cycle fell into the hands of an ecclesiastic who added the theology, and left the prologue as it was (with one omission ; see first note on C. III). Whether or not this eccle siastic was of Coventry we have no, means of dis covering. The fact that the friars of Coventry are the only ecclesiastics of England who are at least rumored to have given plays, adds some credibility to James' and Dugdale's theory. The objection from dialect is strong, but not insurmountable, for it is quite probable that the work of revision may have been done by a northern man. I have retained the name " Coventry ' for the plays, instead of using ;N. town' as Gayley suggests, or ; Hegge,' as does Hone ; for there is more reason for connecting them with Coventry than with any other town. c N. town ' seems awkward, and ' Hegge ' inconsistent with the nomenclature of the other plays.
B. Their Composite Nature.
In the preceding paragraph I have said that the Cov entry plays are composed of two elements : first, the simple, typical, realistic English mystery play, and secondly, theological and scholastic amplifications and adornments. The second element is drawn entirely from the works of the fourteenth century Cardinal Bonaventura of Padua. l particularly from his Medi- tationes Vitce Christi: sometimes the translation is ver- Ixftitti. The sources are quoted in the notes, and are, I think; indisputable.
The Bonaventura element is most distinct and un mixed in the first 214 lines of C. I, and the two Contemplacion monologues of C. III. It is quite significant that no mention is made of the first 214
1 Generally confused with St. Bonaventura, with whose works those of our Cardinal are published.
xxxiv Introduction
lines of C. I in the prologue (see first note on C. I), and that the prologue for C. Ill is omitted entirely. The reviser evidently thought it not worth while to change the Prologue for C. I, as it still described in outline the last part of the play ; but when he came to C. Ill it was a different matter, for he had in his additions given quite a different version of the story from that in the original play. He therefore omitted the prologue for C. Ill entirely.
C. Ill offers the most striking evidence of the composite nature of the plays. We can trace in this play the simplest form of mystery play in the almost liturgical scene of the singing of the Mag nificat, then the true English realism in the opening scene, the journey to 'Montana,' and finally the monologues. The fact that the removal of these mono logues would result in improving not only the dramatic unity, but even the consistency of the plays, is strong evidence that they were added as a display of erudition. No man in sitting down to write a play with such a simple plot could succeed in giving such contra dictory versions in a few lines. The story as we have it in the play proper is the conventional one, except that the character of Joseph has been added. Mary and Joseph go together to see Elizabeth; there is some humorous by-play about Zachary's dumbness ; then Elizabeth and Mary sing the canticles, and Mary and Joseph go home. After their departure, Con- templacion comes forward and gives us Bonaventura's version. This naturally follows the Scriptural account, and relates that Mary stayed three months. This three months' visit being impossible to represent on the stage, it was always omitted in mystery plays, in cluding C., as we have seen. Contemplacion, however, describes how during the three months Mary served
The Coventry Plays xxxv
Elizabeth, was present at the birth of John, and kissed him before she left. She finally describes how Zachary sang the Benedictus, and how the Church canticles were composed, finally indulging in a rhapsody on the blessedness of such a house in holding such inmates. All this matter, it is quite evident, is foreign to the spirit of mystery plays, and inconsistent with this particular play. LI. 147-149 (see Variants and note) would suggest that there was an attempt to combine two distinct versions of this play into the one which we have. The absence of any notice of the play in the prologue may thus be accounted for.
It is impossible to say how much of the original play has survived in C. I. We have seen that the first 214 lines are late additions, but whether the Salutation Play proper was entirely rewritten, or merely ornamented with Bonaventuran theology, one cannot say. The main outline of that story could hardly be changed, and although the prologue describes the Salutation as it stands in our version, I think it prob able that the whole play is a substitution for an earlier and simpler one.
The Joseph Play remains, I believe, in practically its original form. Here was a great chance for an ecclesiastic to work in some of his learning; but the reviser does not seem to have used his opportunity, and has left us a long and coarse realistic play — one, however, which reflects the layman rather than the churchman.
The Nativity and Shepherds' Plays seem to be largely in their original form, as far as we can judge from the prologues, The remark in 1. 1 of the prologue to the Shepherds' Play (see first note to C. V) probably means simply 'Christ shall have been born.' The opening scenes of the Nativity Play are in the same
c2
xxxvi Introduction
style as the Joseph Play, and the midwife-element is one of the oldest in all the mysteries. The Coventry Nativity Play has been left in its original form in every detail, so far as we can see.
The tone of the Shepherds' Play diifers from the realistic parts of the other plays of this cycle and from the Shepherds' Plays of the other cycles. Some of the stock material of Shepherds' plays remains, how ever — the attempt to imitate the angel's song, the singing on the way to Bethlehem, &c. There is far more dignity and reverence in the description of the shepherds' visit than we generally find ; their salutation- lyrics are in very conventional Middle English verse, without much feeling, but very proper : the prophecies are made a rather conspicuous part of the play, and in the first few lines there is a gratuitous reference to the seven sacraments. These latter characteristics point toward the pedant who in troduced the Bonaventuran element, although we do still find elements of the realistic play. The Shepherds' Play was therefore, I think, rewritten by the reviser, who still retained in his altered version some elements of the earlier one.
In order to distinguish between what I regard as practically certain and what I regard as merely pro bable, let me sum up my conclusions. I think it in dubitable that the first part of the Coventry Annun ciation (C. I. 1—214), the Contemplacion-monologues in the Visitation (C. III. 23-42 and 164-200), and also C. III. 147-149, are late additions. The evidence is almost equally strong that all of the Annunciation Play has been rewritten, parts of the old plays being perhaps used in such passages as 235—256. As to the composition of the other plays, I have only suggested what seemed probable to me personally.
/'///• Coventry Plays xx>. vii
C. Date and Authorship.
There is no direct evidence of any kind by which the date or authorship of this cycle can be deter mined. Gayley would date the ecclesiastical portions at about the first half of the fifteenth century, and assign the simpler portions, as bearing a close resemblance to the liturgical drama, to an earlier period. Our investigations into the sources of the ecclesiastical portions confirm the approximate correctness of the former date. Bonaventura wrote the Meditationes in 1376 (see Fabricius, Bibliotheca Eccles. Auctarium de Script. 442), the version in the plays is based upon an earlier English translation (see note to C. I. 1-186): it is therefore probable that the version in our plays did not appear before 1400.
Chambers (Med. Stage 2. 145) cites a rumor that Lyd- gate. the famous monk of Bury, was the author of these plays. This rumor seems to have arisen from the fact that Ritson (Bibl. Poet., p. 79), following Bishop Tanner, includes in the list of Lydgate's works a l Procession of pageants from the creation ', which has never been iden tified. If this is the only evidence (and I have been able to find no other), it is of course of no value whatever. It is interesting to note, however, that Lydgate inclu des the allegory of Mercy and Truth in his Life of Our Lady, that the date of his life (1370P-1450?) would harmonize with the date of the ecclesiastical portions of the plays, that there is another unconfirmed rumor that he studied at Padua, (if he did he would prob ably have been there just after the heroic death of Cardinal Bonaventura, who fell fighting as a ' defensor ecclesiasticae libertatis ' in 1389) and that he translated the not widely known hymn Stella cceli extirpavit, which is referred to in C. V (see note to C. V. 77). All
xxxviii Introduction
this, however, does not amount to evidence of Lyd- gate's authorship, but is given in the hope that it may prove useful when the evidence for the rumor quoted by Chambers is discovered.
D. Their Literary Value.
There is little to add concerning the literary value of the Coventry plays ; much has been implied in the former sections. Their chief defects lie in their lack of form, and in their burden of pedantic learning. Their chief excellence lies in the realismTof the Joseph Play, and the opening scenes of the Visitation and Nativity Plays. The realism of the Joseph Play is unpleasant, but the character-drawing and rough strength of the play stand out sharply when compared with the average Joseph play. These plays possess more than the others the false value of ' quaintness and naivete,7 the two characteristics for which all mystery plays are unfortunately, but sometimes deservedly, famous.
Credit should be granted to the ecclesiastic who translated or paraphrased the Bonaventuran element for his comparative skill as a translator, and such credit should be withheld from the wretched trans lator of the Magnificat.
In style and finish the ecclesiastic was superior ; in feeling and knowledge of mankind, the earlier layman. Curiously enough, the man of learning, although the possessor of a fairly good style and some ability in the technique of verse-making, lacked the sense of form; and the uneducated layman, without style or technical ability of any sort, seemed to possess nat urally much more feeling, and a rough sense of form.
The York Plays xxxix
8. THE YORK PLAYS
The York plays, though of considerable importance in the study of English mystery plays, are by far the least interesting, both intrinsically and in the lack of any problems connected with them. This cycle is the most complete English cycle ; there is much in formation concerning it still extant in contemporary town records, &c., and the plays are most conven tional, and typical of the simplest form of mystery play.
Miss Lucy Toulmin Smith, in her admirable edition of the plays, gives detailed information about the cycle. I shall merely quote some of the more important bits. There is no doubt about the date of composition, about 1350; the author is unrecorded. The plays were given on Corpus Christi day by the crafts of York. The author based his stories almost entire ly on the Biblical account, once in a while adding a detail from the Apocryphal Gospels. The/ Cursor Mundi influenced some of the plays markedly (none of those in this edition to any degree, however; but see note to Y. I. 25-30 and Y. II. 72-73).
Davidson, in his exhaustive study of the metres of this cycle, has shown that the part of Y. IV written in the northern septenar stanza was probably written by an earlier hand (Y. IV. 1-36). Gayley believes that all the humorous parts were written by a later hand than the conventional, at times almost liturgical, parts. He thinks the humorous part of the Shepherds' Play was written by a dramatist of what he calls the middle period, earlier than the work of the dramatist who, he thinks, wrote some of the plays on the Passion, but later than the rest of our group. The lack of material in our edition makes it impossible to discuss
xl Introduction
this question ; those interested in pursuing the investig ation are referred to Davidson's and Gayley's work.
The York plays are important as affording a sort of norm by which to compare and judge the other plays. They are the simplest and closest of all to the liturgical drama, with few extraneous accretions and little elaboration. The absence of the midwife and the Apocryphal Gospel element, which appears in the extant liturgical dramas, is probably to be accounted for by the fact that the York liturgical drama followed the Biblical account entirely. The only Apocryphal element in the plays of this edition is Joseph's narrative of his betrothal, and this was probably taken either from general tradition or from the Cursor Mundi (see note to Y. II. 25-34). Even this is merely a passing reference, and has not developed into a play, as in the Coventry cycle.
The only real literary ability manifest in our plays is in the scene of the Adoration by Mary and Joseph. Here the writer shows depth and beauty of feeling, which elsewhere does not relieve the limping verse and commonplace ideas. The Joseph Play is the most forced and ineffective of all the plays in this collection, and the Shepherds' Play, though possessing some merit in its realism and humor, falls below its parallels in the other cycles.
9. THE TOWNELEY PLAYS
A. Their Name and Origin.
I have rather inconsistently retained the name Towneley to designate these plays, for no better reason than that, though inconsistent, it has been
The Towneley Plays >li
adopted by all previous editors, and should he arbit rarily accepted by writers on these plays in order to avoid confusion in reference. The name comes from the family who owned the manuscript for many years, and despite the efforts of Davidson and Gayley to restore the names Woodkirk and Wakefield respectively, it seems probable that through this manuscript the Towneley name will be perpetuated.
There is ample evidence for assigning this cycle to the town of Wakefield in Yorkshire, and for believing that originally the plays were craft-plays. The manus cript of the early plays is labeled Wakefield in one or two places, and several of the plays have the names of crafts attached to them. Moreover, throughout the cycle there are references in the plays proper to places near Wakefield (see notes to T. IV. 403 and 455). The name Woodkirk, used by Davidson, refers to the legend that the manuscript was once owned by the Abbey of Woodkirk, near Wakefield. This tradition cannot be traced back further than 1814, when it is in cluded in a bookseller's description of the manuscript. Later, in 1883, another similar description says that it was written by the Black Canons of Woodkirk. These must have been the traditional beliefs of the Towneley family, and the Surtees Society editor of the cycle thinks that the Woodkirk theory has ' remarkably the characteristics of genuine tradition.' The plays them selves, however, bear no evidence of ecclesiastical origin (compare them for example with the Coventry plays), and if there is any truth in the legend, it probably is merely in the fact that the abbey once owned the manuscript. The fact that twice annually, at the Feast of the Assumption and the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, the monks of Woodkirk held fairs in Wakefield. seems of no significance.
xlii Introduction
B. Their Composition and Date.
The four plays of the Christmas group are the work of two distinct hands. The Annunciation and Visitation Plays differ in spirit, in style, in verse-form, and in vocabulary, from the two Shepherds' Plays. The latter are evidently the work of a man who was chosen to write also Plays 3, 16, 21, and parts of 30. All the plays of this group are written in the same unusuaL verse-form, reflect the same boldness of spirit and sense of humor (or perhaps rather of boisterous fun), arid employ the same vocabulary and word-forms.
There is general agreement regarding the approxi mate date of this latter group, about^J^OO^ The evi dence in favor of this date is conclusive. First there is a reference in Play 30 to the piked head-gear worn by women, which was introduced by Anne of Bohemia in 1388, and which was still in use as late as 1420 (in support of this Pollard refers to illustrations in MSS. Harl. 2897, fol. 188 b, and Harl. 4431, fol. 2). Then there is the evidence in the Shepherds' Plays, in the conversation of the shepherds about the condition of the country. Pollard suggests that this agrees with conditions in the early part of the fifteenth century, and that the absence of any reference to war with France would show that the play was written no later than Henry IV's reign. Pollard inclines to a date near the close of Henry's reign ; to me an earlier date seems more probable, for the tone of the shepherds seems more in agreement with the time of the Peasants' Revolt, and there are no references to the various civil wars of Henry's reign, which did much to make the peasants forget their grievances.
The Annunciation and Visitation Plays seem to belong to another small group by a collaborator of quite
The Towneley Plays xliii
different, but equally indisputable, genius. This group is composed of Plays 1, 4, 5, 8, 9, 10 (T. I), 11 (T. II), 17, 23, and 28. With the theory proposed by Pollard that this group is part of an original didactic cycle, in so far as it distinguishes it from the rest of the cycle, and implies an earlier date for it, I entirely disagree. The simple structure of the Visitation Play is the only argument in favor of this theory which can be adduced from the plays of this edition, and this is completely outweighed by a consideration of the perfect finish and style of the two plays. A com parison of the workmanship in this play, in the trans lations of the Canticles for example, with that in the other Visitation plays, should prove not only the great ability of the dramatist, but also the late date of his work.
Although the York cycle, from which several of the Towneley plays were taken direct, had no great influence on any of the plays of this edition, never theless the author at times shows even here that he was familiar with the York plays. Hohlfeld (Anglia 11) has pointed out verbal parallels between the York and Towneley Joseph Plays, most of which do not seem very significant, for they can also be paralleled in the other cycles. In the structure of the Towneley Joseph Play, however, and in some of the incidents, we have reminiscences of the York play. Joseph's description of his betrothal to Mary, for example, the Towneley dramatist has evidently borrowed from the York play, and has succeeded in making a true poem out of a few rough and awkward lines. Hohlfeld's verbal par allels may in one or two instances uphold this theory, but not much weight should be laid on their testimony.
It is not safe to draw any conclusions from the Annunciation Play proper, for it is merely an elaborated
xliv Introduction
version of the account in Luke. The prologue to the Annunciation, however, strangely enough bears considerable resemblance to the Bonaventuran element which introduces the Coventry Annunciation. It may, of course, be argued that such resemblance does not necessarily imply any connection, for the idea of introducing, such a play with an explanation of the reasons for the Incarnation is a natural one. The fact remains, however, that the Coventry and Towneley cycles are the only ones which do contain such an introduction, and, moreover, that the Towneley pro logue seems to be more or less a digest of parts of the expanded allegorical version in C. I. Notice partic ularly the opening of both : man has lain years in the pains of Hell because of Adam's sin, the time of redemption has come, but redemption must be made
Both thurgh mercy and thurgh myght, All wyth reson and with right.
These two lines seem to sum up the idea at the basis of the long allegory of Mercy and Truth, Righteousness and Peace, in C. 1. The prophet-element is then intro duced ; in C., Isaiah and Jeremiah represent the whole array of the prophets from the Augustinian sermon, all of whom appear in T. God then calls Gabriel, and gives him the same instructions in both plays, and the Annunciation Play begins. The resemblances seem to me quite other than fortuitous, and argue a late date for at least the prologue of T. I, 1400 being about the earliest possible (cf. p. xxxvii on date of C. plays).
It seems probable to me that the Annunciation and Visitation Plays, far from being composed earlier than the Shepherds' Plays, are at least as late as they, and perhaps even later. There seems to be no sufficient reason for assuming that they were not written in
If if Towncley Plays xlv
collaboration, at about the same time. The whole burden of proof rests upon those who assert that the plays were written at different times ; for they all show influence of the other cycles, T. I of C. I and Y. II, and T. Ill of Ch. II (see notes). All are written in a much more finished style than the other cycles ; the language of the supposedly early Annunciation and Visitation, at least, is more modern ; the whole tone of the plays lacks the ' quaintness ' which we find in the other cycles, and the theory that they were written at about the same date (and that comparatively late) by men of very different natures, seems to harmonize with everything that we find in the plays themselves.
C. The Towneley Plays as Literature.
The Towneley plays are the flower and consum mation of the English Nativity drama. In natural genius and in technique these two dramatists stand high above their predecessors.
The dramatist of the Shepherds' Play has always justly received his full quota of praise. The excellence of the structure of the Mak interlude marks, of course, his great est triumph, and he has given us the first real plot in English dramatic literature. I have previously (p. xvii) called attention to his ability as a humorist. Professor Gayley has pointed out that even in the Prima Pastorum the author, still feeling his way, has given us a dram atic idyll, a pastoral picture, with comic motive and dialogue, although lacking comic action, which sur passes all that has been done before, and is surpassed in kind only by the addition of a real plot in the Secunda Pastorum.
I do not, however, agree with Professor Gayley in considering the transition from the Mak interlude to the Adoration scene a strong point of the play. To
xlvi Introduction
me the contrast is not effective as it is given ; for the dramatist seems to lose interest, and merely from con vention adds the last scene, which, although perfect in verse-form und technique, lacks the sympathetic feeling of the Prima Pastorum, where practically the same material is used.
The only bit of appreciation of the excellence of the work of the other Towneley dramatist which has hitherto appeared, is praise of one detail (T. I. 269-274) by Pollard, who very appropriately compares this stanza with Rossetti. To me the superiority of these plays on the Annunciation and Visitation over the corresponding ones in the other cycles is quite as striking as the superiority of the Towneley Shepherds' Plays. The most noticeable improvement is in the versification. The weak and limping line, so common in all the other cycles, almost never appears, and there is no awkward and unnatural arrangement of words for the sake of metre. The thought flows naturally along, aided rather than confined by rime and rhythm. There are a good many run-on lines which add to the naturalness, and in no way detract from the music. A typical example of this excellence of versification is in 11. 89-94:
ffor them has fonden all thyn oone The grace of God, that was out gone
ffor Adam plyght.
This is the grace that the betydys, — Thou shall conceyue within thi sydys
a chyld of myght.
This dramatist also shows great superiority in tech nique over his predecessors. His excellence in form and construction is well emphasized by a comparison of his Joseph Play with those of the other dramatists, particularly with the York play. The two methods of introducing the narrative of the betrothal are typical
The Towneley Plays xlvii
of the difference between the two dramatists. In the York play this element is dragged in without any excuse or connection ; in the Towneley play it is one of the most natural and effective parts of the play. The Joseph Play also proves the dramatist's skill in characterization. Joseph is quite as real as in the Coventry play, and is an infinitely more attractive personality. In drawing this character the dramatist seems to give a hint of his own strong gentleness and true, deep devotion.
The only flaw in this man's work is similar to the defect we have noticed in the Secunda Pastorum. It is again a question of transition, this time in the Visitation Play, and it is again the transition from original to conventional work. The first thirty lines of this play are a charming bit of realism — the homely, family gossip of Mary and Elizabeth — then suddenly and without warning the dramatist bursts into a very beautiful translation of the two glorious canticles, the Benedicta tu in mulieribus and the Magnificat. Even if the author had followed this general outline, which contradicts the Scriptural account, where Elizabeth bursts out in prophecy as soon as she sees Mary, the dramatic effectiveness of the scene, which lies in the spontaneity and inevitableness of the salutation, need not have been lost. If, for example, in the middle of a line Elizabeth had interrupted Mary with her prophetic psalm, the play would have been saved, but to have it introduced as an ordinary bit of the dialogue causes a distinctly jarringfnote. Both elements of the play in themselves are of a high order of excellence. The translations of the canticles in particular should be noticed, for they preserve no little of the beauty of the original ; but the method of combining the two elements was unfortunate.
xlviii Introduction
On the whole, however, the author of the Towneley Annunciation and Visitation should take as high rank as a poet as the author of the Towneley Shepherds' Plays holds as a dramatist. This implies high praise for both.
/ 10. CONCLUSION
The foundation of the Christmas plays of all the cycles has been seen to consist of two simple ele ments — a translation of the Scriptural narrative, and a transcript of contemporary life. The one appears for the most part in the Annunciation, Visitation and Nativity plays, the other in the Joseph and Shepherd plays. The York cycle shows the two in their simplest and least elaborated form. The York dramatist had practically no original ability (so far as we can judge from these few plays), and very little skill either as translator or transcriber. The Chester and Coventry plays show an attempt to improve on the simple York form by a multiplication of materials, introduction of extraneous matter, and the Chester play by an elaboration of the realistic description. The extraneous matter in the Chester cycle reflects cosmopolitan, secular learning ; that in the Coventry plays,Church scholasticism. Neither succeeds in improv ing the plays to any degree from a literary point of view, although they add much interesting and curious matter. The Towneley Annunciation dramatist, without the introduction of new material, made real poetry out of the simple matter of the York plays. The Towneley Shepherd dramatist, by a synthetic expansion of the realistic matter of the Chester Shepherds' Play, and an addition of allied matter, produced the first real English drama.
TEXT
NOTE ON TEXT AND VARIANTS OF THE CHESTER PLAYS
My text of these plays is based on MS. D (see Int. p. 1). Readings of the other manuscripts, when inferior to D., are given in the Variants ; when superior they are inserted in paren theses ( ) in the text, and D's reading is given in the Vari ants. Brackets [ ] indicate my own emendations. When reference to any manuscript is omitted in the Variants, it is, of course, implied that that manuscript follows the reading in the text.
In many cases the reading of MS. W is not certain. The two former editors very often disagree in their readings of W. Wright did not pretend to give a critical text, so it is generally safer to follow Deimling. Deimling, however, often omits reference to W entirely, thus implying that it follows his own text, where Wright gives quite different and often inferior readings. In the latter cases it seems probable that Wright gives a better transcript of the original. When Wright and Deimling agree, I refer to the reading as W; when they disagree, I refer to Wright's reading as Wr., and to Deimling's as Dm. It should be borne in mind that both abbreviations, Wr. and Dm., refer only to MS. W.
THE WRIGHTES PL AYE. [33 a]
PAGINA SEXTA DE SALUTATIONE ET NATIUITATE SALVATORIS JESU CHRISTI.
[Scene 1]
Gabriell: Hayle be thow Mary, mother free, full of grace, god is with thee ! amongst all women blessed thow bee, and the fruite of thy bodye.
Maria: A, lord, that sytte high in see, s
that wondrouslye now mervayles mee, a simple mayden of my degree bee greete this gratiously.
Gabriell: Marye, ne dread thow nought this case,
with greate god found thow hase, »<>
amongst all other, specyall grace, Therfowr, Marye, thow mone
Conceyue and beare, I tell thee, a childe, Jesus his name shalbe; soo great shall never non be as hee, *s
and called gode sonne;
and our lord god, leeve thow mee, shall give him Davyd his father's see,
The wrightes playe ] so h, The wrightes H, The wrightes and slaters B, The wryghtes and Sklaters plaie W. After the Latin in B and H
1 mother ] maiden H B h Dm., mother Wr. 3 amongst ] among H B W h 5 sytte ] sitts H B W h 6 wondrouslye ] wonderly H 9 thow ] the H B W h 10 and 11 ] inverted in H 10 hase ] haste Wr. 11 amongst ] amonge H B W h other ] wemen W specyall] especiall Wr. 14 Jesus his name] his name Ihesu
H B W h 15 shall never non be ] shall never be none H,
shalbe never non W h 16 Gode ] Godes H B W h
6 Chester Nativity (I)
in Jacobb howse (raigne) shall hee 20 with full might evermore.
and he that shalbe borne of thee, endlesse liffe in him shalbe, that such renowne and ryaltye had never non before.
35 Maria : How may this bee ? thow beast so bright ;
in synne know I not worldly wight. Gdbryell: The holye ghoste shall in thee light from god in maistee,
and shadowe thee seemely in sight; 30 therefore that holye one, as I have height,
that thou shalt beare through gode might, (his)sonne shall called bee.
Elizabeth that barren was, as thow maye see, conceyued has 35 in age a sonne, through gode grace,
the bedyll shalbe of blysse.
The sixte moneth is gone now agayne, seeth men called her barren, but nothinge to gode might and mayne 40 impossible is.
[33b] Maria: Now syth that god will yt soe bee, and such grace hath sent to mee, blessed evermore bee hee; to please him I am payde.
19 raigne ] raynynge D 21 he ] omit h 25 ] beast ] arte BWh 26 knowe] knewe HB Wli not J no H B W h
worldly ] wordly B 28 maistee ] magistie Wr. 30 one ]
omit H B W h height ] teight W 31 gode ] Gods H B W h
32 his ] hee D his sonne ] lesus B 35 gode ] Gods H B W h 36 bedyll ] Keydell W h 38 seeth ] sith H B W h 39 gode ] Gods H B W h 40 impossible ] vnpossible B h 41 soe
bee ] be so W h 42 such ] suche a W h sent ] send H B h
Dm., sente Wr.
Chester Nativity (I) 7
Loe gode chosen meekelye here ! 45
and lorde god, prince of powere, leeve that yt fall in such manere — . this word that thow hast sayde.
Tune angelus ibit% et Maria salutabit Elizabeth.
[Scene 2]
Elizabeth, nece, god thee see!
Elizabeth: Marye, blessed mote thow bee, so
and the (fruit) that commeth of thee, amonge women all!
wonderlye now mervayles mee that Marye, gode mother free, greetes mee thus of simple degree. ss
lord, how may this befall?
when thow mee greetest, sweete Marye, the childe stirred in my bodye for great ioye of thy companye,
and the fruite that is in thee. 60
Blessed be thow ever forthy, that leved soe well and stedfastly! for that was sayde to thee, ladye, fulfilled and done shalbee.
Maria gaudens incipiet canticum ' magnificat ' &c.
46 gode] Gods H B W h chosen] cossen Wr. Stage direction Maria ] omit H B h Dm.
49 nece] nice Wr. 60 mote] moste W, might B, mayst h 61 fruit ] fruites D commeth ] comes H B W h 64 gode ] Gods H B W h 65 thus ] this Wr. degree ] degreey B W h, gree H 66 this ] that Wr. 67 mee ] after greetest H 58 stirred J
sturred H B h Dm., stored Wr. 62 leved ] lyued B
Stage direction gaudens ] gaudiens D, gaudentes H &c. ] anima H, omit W h ; W adds et dicat Maria
8 Chester Nativity (1)
6s Maria : Elizabeth, therefore will I
thank the lord, kinge of mercye, with ioyfull myrth and melody, and laud to his likinge;
Magnificat, while I have toome, 7° anima mea dominum,
to Christe that in my kind is come, devoutly will I singe ;
et exultavit spiritus meus in deo, &c. [Luke I. 47. J
and for my ghost ioyed hase in god, my heal and all my grace — 75 for meekeness he see in me was,
his feare of meane degree —
Therfore blesse mee well maye all generacions for aye; (much has god done for me to-day, so his name aye hallowed be !)
much has that lord done for mee, that moste is in his majestye ; all princes hee passes of postee, as sheweth well by this.
therfore with full hart and free his name allway hallowed be,
69 toome] to me Wr. 70 mea dominum] mei domine Wr. 71 is ] now H B h Dm., is Wr. 72 will I ] I will H B W h
after 72 et . . . &c. ] omit h. Dm., not omitted in Wr. &C.] sal- uatori meo H 76 of meane ] in manye W h 78 and 79 ] omit h, according to Deimling, "who probably means to refer to II. 79—80, •which are -misplaced in all -manuscripts 79 and 80 ] D omits here
and inserts after I. 88. According to Deimling all other manuscripts insert these lines after I. 86. Wright, however, inserts them after 88, showing that this is probably an error by Deimling 83 of ]
in H B W h 86 allway hallowed be ] aye hallowed be aye
W, allway blessed be aye h
Chester Nativity (I) 9
and honored evermore be hee on height in heaven blysse !
as he is bound to doe mercye from progenye to progenye, 90
and all that dredene hym veryly, his talent to ffullfill.
hee through his myght gave maystery, disperses proud dispituusly, with myght of his harte hastely 95
at his owne will ;
Deposethe myghty oute of place, and myke allsoe he haunsed hase, hongry, nydy, wantinge grace,
with (good) hee hath fullfellede. «<»
That rych powere he hath forsakene, to Israeli, his sonne, he hath betaken; wayle to man throughe him (is waken), and myrcy hasse of his guylte,
As he spake to our fathers before, ios
Abrahame and his syde full yore. Joye to the father evermore, the sone, and the holy ghoste,
As was from the beginninge, and never shall have endinge, no
from world to world aye wendinge, Amen ! god of might most.
87 evermore ] allwaie evermore W 88 on ] and W h
height ] highe B W h 89 bound ] bowne H B 91 and 92 ] omit h 93 gave ] gave them H 94 disperses ] dispereles H, dispensing B dispituusly ] did pitouslye W 97 deposeth ] disposeth W h 98 haunsed ] hansced Wr. 100 good ] god D 102 he hath ] omit H B h Dm. 103 is waken ] his wakinge D 104 of ] for B, in h his ] omit h guilt 1 owine W, store h 106 f ull ] f or W h 111 wending] weildinge W h 112 might] mightes H B h
10 Chester Nativity (1)
Elizabeth'. Marye, now redd I that wee gone
to Joseph, thy husband, anon, us leste hee to misse thee make mone,
for now that is most neede.
[34 b] Maria : Elizabeth, nece, to doe so good is leste hee suppose one mee amysse ; but good lord, that hath ordayned this, «o wyll witnes of my deede.
[Scene 3]
Elizabeth : Joseph, god the save and see !
thy wife here I (have) brought to thee. Joseph : Alas, alas ! and woe is mee !
whoe hathe made her with chyld?
xa5 well I wist an ould man and a maye
might not accord by noe waye, for many yeares might I not playe, ne worke noe workes wild.
Three monethes shee hath bene from mee, «3o now hathe shee gotten her, as I see,
a great bellye, like to thee, syth shee went away.
and myne yt is not, bee thow bould, for I am both ould and could, •as these XXXtie winters, though I would,
I might not playe noe playe.
113 now redd I ] I rede nowe W now ] omit h 115 make J makes H, make great B 117 nece ] nice Wr. 119 good ] the good W after 120 ] (tune ibunt ad Joseph) H 122 here ] omit W h have ] omit D 123 woe is ] woes Wr. 124 hathe ] hase Wr. 125 an ] and B maye ] maide h 126 accord ] agree h 127 for ] nor B W h yeares ] wynters W 128 ne ] ner W 129 hath J
hase Wr. 130 hathe ] has H B W h 132 syth ] since Wr. 3 35 these XXXtie ] this XXX H B h Dm. winters J wynter H B h Dm. 136 playe noe playe] plea no leaie W noe] that H
Chester Nativity (I) 11
alas ! where might I lenge or lende ? for loth is me my wife to shende ; therefore from her will I wende
into some other place. J4°
ffor to dyscreeve (her) will I nought, feeblye though shee have wrought; to leave her privelye is my thought, that noe man knowe this case.
God lett never an ould man «4s
take to wife a yonge woman, ney sect his harte her upon, lest hee beguyled bee.
ffor accorde ther maye be none, ney the(y) may never bee at one, «s<»
and that is scene in manye one as well as one mee.
Therfore have I slept awhile, my wife that mee can thus beguyle, I will gone from her, (for) yt to fyle xss
mee is loth, in good faye.
This case makes mee so heavye that needes sleepe nowe muste I ; lord, one hir thow have mercye
for her misdeede to-daye. x6*
Angelus: Joseph, lett bee thy feeble thought, [35 a]
take Marye, thy wife, and dred thee nought,
141 her 1 omit D 142 feeblye ] f owlye W h 144 this ] the B 146 to wife ] hym H B W h 147 ney ] ne H B, nay W h
150 ney ] nor H B W h they ] the D W 151 manye ] manye a W h 153 have I ] when I have W h 154 me can thus ] thus can me H B, can me thus W h 155 I ] for I D W gone ] goe H B
W h f or ] omit D yt ] her W 168 nowe J after needes H
after 160 ] (tune dormit) H
12 Chester Nativity (I)
for wickedly shee hath not wrought, but this is gode will.
x65 The child that shee shall beare, Iwys,
of the holy ghost begotten yt is, to save mankynd that did amisse, and prophecye to fulfill.
Joseph: A! no we I wott, lord, yt is soe, i7o I will noe man bee her foe,
but while I may one yearth goe with her I will bee.
Nowe Christe is in our kynde light, as the prophete before hight; 175 lord god, most of might,
with weale I worshipp thee.
[Scene 4]
Nuntius: Make rowme, lordinges, and give us waye, and lett Octavian come and playe, and Sybell, the sage, that well fayr maye. l8o to tell you of prophecye.
That lord that dyed on good fryday, hee have you all, both night and daye. farewell, lordinges, I goe my waye, I may not lenger [abye.]
164 gode ] Gods H B W li 166 begotten ] gotten H yt ] omit H B W h 170 man ] more H after 172 ] (Excitatus autem Joseph) H 174 prophete ] prophetes H B, prophescye W h
before ] yore H B h Dm. higt ] beheigt H B h Dm. after 176 j (somno fecit, ut iu . . . erat sibi angelus domini) H 177 Nun tius ] messinger h 179 that ] tha W fayr ] fraye W 182 have ] save B W 183 goe ] must B 184 not J no H B W h abye ] abyde D H W h, bide B
Chester Nativity (I) 13
Octavianus : I, preeved prince, most of powere, 185
under heaven highest am I here, fay rest food to fight in fere ; no freake my face may flee.
all this world, withowten were, king, prynce, baron, batchlere, 190
I may destroy in great dangere, through vertu of my degree.
My name Octavian called is, all me about full in my blys, for wholey all this world, Iwys, *9s
is readye at my owne will.
Noe man one mould darre doe amisse
agaynst mee, I tell you this;
May no man say e that ought is his,
but my leave be thertyll. 3<x>
ffor I halfe multiplyed more the Cittye of Rome, sythe I was bore, then ever did any (me) before, syth I had this kingdome.
ffor what with streng(th) and strokes sore, 205 leadinge lordshipp, lovely lore, all this world has bine yore tributarye unto Rome.
Segneurs tous si assembles [35 b]
A mes probes estates, 2IO
185 powere] postie W 186 here] omit W 187 fayrest] the fayrest B foot ] stoode B to fight ] f aightest W, to fraught B in ] with B, omit W 194 all me about ] at my aboue H 196 owne ] omit B 197 mould ) Hue W 199 may ] ne H, nay B
203 me ] omit D 205 strength ] strenght D strength and strokes ] inverted in W 206 lordshipp ] lordshippes Wr. 207 has ] nowe hase H B W h 209 segneurs ] segurrs Wr. assembles ] asmeles Wr., arneles Dm. 210 ] omit h, combined with 212 W probes ]
proles H B h
14 Chester Nativity (I)
Ice posse fayre lerment et leez, et mette in languore.
Vous tous si prest ne sortes de fayre intentes mavolentes, car [je su] soveroyne ben sages, et demande Emperoure.
leo si persone mille si able leo su tent fayre et leable en treasoroce ne treasagyle mes de toyle plerunt.
Destret et sage su en counsell Ami ou dame et ou pusele declare et sauke mater frayle un teell n'est paas uma.
King, [cayser], clarke, or knight, sandens, senatours in sight, princes, pryest(s), here nowe dight, and present in this place —
211 Ice ] Jeo Wr. 212 ] omit la. 213 vous ] omit Wr.
tous ] toutes H B li Dm. ne sortes ] me fortes W h 215 je
su ] Jesu D H B W h 217—225 ] omit h 217 leo ] lay H B h Dm. si able J seable W, si aUe B 218 leo su tent fayre ]
combined with 217 Wr. leo su ] ley su H h, leosu W, losice B, leable ] beable H h 219 ] begins with et leable from 218 Wr. en treasoroce ] entransorce W, en tresarois H h ne tresagyle ] ne tres- agait H h me creaca W 220 de toyle ] dotole Wr. 221 destrefc et sage combined with 220 Wr. su en ] saen Wr., sout en B counsell] comech W 222 ou dame ] ondem Wr., ou dem Dm. 223 de clare ] declaan W et sauke ] sake et H h, sauk et B Dm., sanke et Wr. 224 tell n'est ] tellnest Wr. uma ] un mame H h, vmaut B, un Dm. urn Wr. 225 cayser] Carsell H, coysell D B W h
or ] and H knight ] kinge Wr. 226 senatours ] solitaryes W 227 pryests ] pryest D, preistes H B h, prese W
Chester Nativity (I) 15
peace, or here my truthe I plight, I am the manfulst man of might, aso
take mynde on my manace.
All leedes in land bee at my likinge, Castle, couquerour, and kinge bayne be to do my byddynge,
yt will non other bee. **s
Right as I thinke, soe (is all thinge), for all the word dose my willinge, and bayne bine when I bydd bringe homage and feoaltye.
sythen I was lord, withowten lesse, 2*°
with my witt I can more increase the empire here then ever it was, as all this world yt wiste.
syth I was soverayne warre can cease, and through this world now is peace, a«
for soe dreade a duke sate never on dayes in Rome, that you may trust.
Therfore, as lord, nowe likes mee to preeve my might and my postee, for I will send about and see 35°
how many heades I have.
All the world shall written bee, great and small, in eych degree,
229 I plight ] Iplight H B W h 230 manfulst ] manliest W h After 230 a blank in H 231 take ] takes H B W h on ] of
H B W h manace ] mase W h 232 leedes ] lordes W
234 be] bene H B h Dm do ] omit Wr. 236 as ] omit W h
is all thinge ] must all bee D, moste it be W h 238 bine ] omit W bydd] didH 240—244] omit h 243 yt] is H
244 can cease ] cleare can cease D, clean can cease H Wr. 248 nowe ] omit B 249 preve ] prove H B W h 250 about ] and about B 253 eych ] his B
16 Chester Nativity (I)
that dwell in shire or in cittye, 255 king, clarke, knight, and knave,
Eych man one penye shall paye, therfore, my bedell, doe as I saye ; in middest the world, by anye waye, this gammon shall begine.
The folke of Jewes, in good faye, in myddest bine, that is noe naye, therefore thyder, daye by daye, and travayle or thow bline.
[3 6 a] Warne him that there is president,
265 that this is fully myne intent
that eych man appere present, his penye for to paye,
And by that penye, as well appent, knowledge to bee obedyente *7° to Rome, by gift of such a rent,
from that tyme after aye.
When this is done thus in Judye, that in the middest of the world shalbe, to eych land, shire, and cyttye, 275 to Rome make them soe thrall.
Warne them, boye, I commande thee, they doe the same, saye thus from mee, soe all this world shall witt that we Bine soveraygne of them all.
258 middest ] mydds H B h Dm., medeste Wr. 261 middest mydds EL B h Dm., medest Wr. 263 or ] all B 264 there is ] is there h 270 Borne ] come Wr. gift ] geiste Wr.
271 aye ] ever W 272 thus ] thir Wr. 273 of ] omit h, in B 277 they ] the H B W h thus ] this H B W h
Chester Nativity (I) 17
Have donne, boye, art thou not bowne? a8° Preco: All readye, my lorde, by [Mahoun,] noe tayles tupp in all this towne shall goe further, withowten fayle.
Octavianus: Boye, therfore, by my crowne,
Thow muste have thy warrysoun. t8$
the highest horse besydes (B)[r]oughton
take thow for thy travell. Preco: Graunt mercye, lord, perdye,
this hackney will well serve mee, for a great lord of your degree 190
should ryde in such araye.
The bine hye in dignitye,
and alsoe high and swifte is hee ;
therefore that reverans takes yee,
my deare lord, I you praye. «9s
But your arrand shalbe donne anone, first into Judye I will gone, and sommon the people, everychone, both shire and eke cyttye.
Octavianus: Boye, there bine ladyes manye one, 300
amonge them all chese thee one, take the fayrest, or els none, and freely I give her thee.
Primus Senatour: my lord Octavian, wee be sent
from all Rome, with good entent, 305
280 written in the margin of H 281 Mahoun ] Mahoimde D
Wr. mahound H B h Dm. 282 tayles tupp ] so Wr., tails
tupp H h Dm., tnppe tayles B after 283 ] blank in H
284-295 ] omit W h 286 Broughton ] boughton & D, Boughton H B 292 bine] lyve B 294 reverans ] remanes B 296-800]
omit W But ] omit h 297 will ] wilbe B 299 both
shire ] both in shire H eke ] omit H 800 Octavianus ] omit
HB bine]beHBWh manye] many a W 300-304 ] omit h 304 My] from my W h 305 good] full H
B
18 Chester Nativity (1)
thy men there have eychone Iment as god to honour thee;
[36 b] and to that pointe we be assent,
poore and ryche in parlement; 310 for soe loved a lord, verament,
was never in this cyttye.
Secundus Senator: Yea, sicker, syr, ther will is this, to honour thee as god, with blys, for thow did never to them amysse 315 in worde, thought, ne deede.
(peace hath bene long and yet is, no man in thy tyme lost ought of his, therfore their will is now, Iwis, to quite you this your meede.)
a*6 Octavianus : Welcome, my frendes, in good faye, for you be baynable to my paye ; I thanke you all that ever I maye
the homage yee doe to mee; 320 But follye yt were, by manye a waye,
such soverayntye for to assaye, syth I must dye I wotte not what day,
to desyre such dignitye. ifor of all flesch, blood, and bonne 3*5 made I am, borne of a womane,
and, sycker, other matter nonne sheweth not right in mee ;
neyther of Iron, tree, ne stonne
am I not wrought, you wott eych one,
308 assent ] sent H W h 312 sicker syr ] seckerly B
315 ne ] ner W h 315 a, b, c, d ] omit D 315 b ought ]
nought H 315 c now ] so W h 315 d this ] in H meede ] neede H 317 baynable ] penyble H, welckome W h 324
of all ] of H B, all the W h 325 made ] man W h 328
ne] nor H B W h 329 am I ] I ame B
Chester Nativity (I)
19
Sybbell
and of my life moste parte is gone, age shewes him soe in mee
and godhead askes in all thinge tyme that hath noe beginninge, ne never shall have endinge; and none of this have I.
Wrierfore, by verey proofe shewinge, though I bee highest worldly kinge, of godhead have I noe knowinge ; This were unkynd(lie).
But yet enquyre of this will wee of hir that (hath) grace to see thinges that afterward shalbe, by ghoost of prophecye.
and after hir lore, by my lewtye ! discussinge this difficultye, worke I, and take not more (on me) then I am well worthye.
Sybbell, the sage, tell me this thinge, for thow wytt hase, as (no) man livinge, shall ever be any earthlye kinge to passe mee of degree?
Yea, syr, I tell you, withowt leasinge, a bab borne shalbe, blys to bringe,
330
335
34°
345
350
[37 a)
331 in me ] I see H B W h Shewes ] sheweth Wr. 332
thinge ] thinges h 335 this ] these H W h 337 bee ]
omit H 339 This ] it H W B h unkyndlie ] unkynd D W h
340 of ] if Dm. will wee ] wilbe W 341 of ] at H W B h
hath ] hast D, has H B to see ] for to see H B W h 344 lore] lawe W h lewtye ] bewtie W h 346 I ] omit H B W h
not ] no H B W h on me J and more D on ] of h 349 hase J hast H W B h no ] not D 350 shall ever ] shall ther ever B h 353 bab ] barne H B W h borne shalbe ] shall borne be H h, shalbe borne W
B2
20 Chester Nativity (I)
the which (that) never (hade) beginninge, 355 ne never shal ended bee.
Octavyanm: Sybbyll, I pray thee specially, by sign thow would me certyfye, what tyme that lord so royallye to raigne hee shal beginne.
36o Sybyll speake tho : Syr, I shall tell you witterlye his signes when I see verelye, for when hee comes, through his mercye one mankynde hee will mynne.
Well I wott for soth, I-wys,
365 that god will bring mankinde to blys,
and send from heaven, leeves well this,
367 his sonne, our savyour,
(Ihesu Christ, nothing amis, called he shall be and is, overcome the Divill and his countise and be our Conquerour.)
368 But what tyme, syr, in good faye, that hee will come, can I non saye ;
370 Therfore in this place I will praye
to greatest god of might.
and yf I see ought to your paye ghostlye by anye waye, warne you I shall anon this daye, 375 and shew it in your sight.
354 that ] shal D hade 1 hase D H B h 355 ended bee ]
endinge have W, endinge be h 356 specially 1 especiallye
W h 360 Sybyll speake tho ] omit H B W h Syr ] yea W h
362 when ] then B 363 mynne ] wynne B 364 for ]
and Wr. 366 leves] leve Wr. 367 a, b, c, d ] omit D.
367 c overcome] to overcome W, and overcome h countise] Coyntoice H B 369 non ] not H B W h 370 I will]
will I H B W 372 to] in W h 374 anon] omit W h,
after 'you' B
Chester Nativity (I) 21
Tune orat sibilla
et
[Scene 5] dicat preco alia voce :
Preco: Peace I byd kinge and knight,
men and weomen, and eych wight, tyll I have tould that I have tight; stonde styll, both stronge and stoute!
My lord, Octavyan, myche of might, 380
commandes you should be ready dight, trybute hee wyll have in height of all this world (aboute).
Hee wyll have written eych countree, castle, shyre, and eke cyttye, 385
men and women, leeve you mee, and all that beo therin.
a penye of eych man have will hee,
the valewe of ten pences hit shalbee,
To knowledge that hee has soverayntee 39°
fully e of all [mankyn].
Josephe : A ! lord ! what doth this man now here ? poore men's weale ys ever in were. I wott by this boster's bere
that trybute I muste paye. 395
and for greate age and noe powere, [37 b]
I wan noe good this seaven yere, nowe comes the kinge's messenger
to gett all that hee maye.
after 375, st. dir. ] in margin H 379 stonde ] stall B
styll] stiff e Wr. stronge] still Wr. stiff e Dm. H B stoute] stronge Wh 381 should be ] shalbe h 383 aboute ] above D 385 eke] each H 389 pences] pence H B W h 391 mankyn] mankynd D H B W h 393 weale ] so Wr., waile H B h Dm. 394 bosters ] bostles H 396 age ] ayde h.
22 Chester Nativity (I)
400 with this axe that I beare,
this perce(r), and this naugere, and hammer, all in fere, I have wonnen my meate.
Castle, towre, ney riche manere 405 had I never in my power,
but as a symple carpenter with these what I might gett.
If I have store [of] any thinge, that must I paye unto the kinge, 410 but yett I have a likinge, —
The angell to mee to wide:
Hee that should man ou$of bale bringe my wife had in her keapinge, that seemes all good to my likinge 415 and makes mee more bowlde.
A ! leeffe syr ! tell mee, I thee praye, shall poore as well as rych paye ? my faye, syr, I hoope naye; that were a wonders wronge.
420 Preco : Good man, I warne thee, in good faye, to Bethlem to take the waye lest thow in danger falle to-daye, if that thow bee to longe.
Joseph: Nowe syth yt may non other bee, 425 Marye, sister, now hye wee !
an oxe I will take with mee, that there shalbe soulde.
401 percer ] perces D naugere ] maugere B 402 and ] axe
H B, and a h, a W 404 riche ] omit W h 407 these ]
this B W what ] that H 408 of ] omit D h, now H B W
412 shold ] omit W h 418 my ] by my W h 419 wonders j
wonderous B W h 423 that ] omit W
Chester Nativity (1)
440 [38 a]
the silver of him, soe mote I thee, shall fynde us in that cyttye, and paye tribute for thee and mee, 43°
for therto wee bine howlde.
[Scene 6]
Maria: A! lord! what may this signifye? Some men I see glad and merye, and some syghinge and sorye
wherfore so ever yt bee. 435
Syth gode sonne, man to forbye, is commen through his great mercye, methinke that man should kindlye be glad that sight to see.
Angelus: Marye, gode mother dere,
the tokeninge I shall thee lere, the commen people, as thow seest here, are glad as they well maye,
That they shall see of Abraham's seede Christe come to helpe them in there neede Therfore the(y) ioyen, withowten dreede, for to abyde this daye.
The morneinge men, take this in mynde, are Jewes that shalbe put behinde, for they passed out of kinde 4So
through Christ at his comminge.
429 that] this H 431 bine] be Wr. after 431] (tune
Joseph ligabit bovem ad caudam asinse, et colliget Maryam super Asinam, et cum ad stabulam pervenerit, dicat Maria) H 434 syghinge ] all sickinge W 436 Gode ] Gods H B W h
sonne ] sonne came D H B W h 437 is commen ] comon is B 439 ] that sight full gladlie for to see B 440 gode] Gods
H B W h 442 as] that H 443 they ] the Wr. 444
seede ] blood seede H 446 therf ore ] wherfore W they ]
the D Wr. joyen ] joye W 450 they] it H, the Wr. passed ] passes H Dm. h, passeth Wr., haue passed B of ] of their H
44S
24 Chester Nativity (I)
ffor they shall have noe grace to knowe that god for man shall light soe lowe; for shame on them that sone shall showe, 455 therefore they bine mourninge.
[Scene 7]
Joseph: Marye, suster, sooth to saye,
harbour I hope gett wee ne may, for great lordes of stowte arraye occupye this cyttye.
460 Therefore wee muste, in good faye,
lye in this stable tyll it bee daye ; to make men meeke, leeve I maye, show him here will he.
Maria: Helpe me downe, my leeffe fere, 465 for I hope my tyme bee neere ;
Christe in this stable that is here, I hope borne wilbe.
Tune Joseph accipiet Mariam in brachia sua.
Joseph: Come to me, my sweete dere,
the treasure off heaven, withowten were, 47o welcome in full meeke manere :
him hope I for to see.
Tune statuet Maria inter bovem ft asinam.
Marye, sister, I will assaye
to gett too middwives, yf I maye,
452 shall ] should B they ] the Wr. 455 bine ] be H B W h they ] the Wr. 457 wee ] yf we B ne ] nay H, non W h,
(in h before gett), omit B 459 occupye ] do occupye W h
cyttye] plase W 460 therfore] wherfore Wr. 463 he]
IB 464 downe J downe then H B leefe] lif e H B h Dm.,
leffe Wr. fere ] dere B, in fere H 465 bee ] is H after
467 Tune Joseph etc. ] after 470 in H 473 too ] II H B W h
Chester Nativity (I) 25
for though in thee bee god verey,
and commen agaynst kynde, 475
ffor usage here of this cittye, and manner's sake, as thinkes mee, too I will fetch anon to thee, If I may any fynde.
[Scene 8]
Joseph ad obstetrices. [38b]
Weomen, god you save and see, 480
is yt your will to goe with mee? my wife ys commen into this cyttye with child, and tyme is nere.
Helpes here nowe, for charytee, and bee with her tyll day bee, 485
and your travayle, soe mote I thee, I shall paye you right here.
Tebell : All readye, good man, in good faye, wee will doe all that ever wee maye, for too such middwives, I dare well saye, 490 are not in this cyttye.
Salome : Come, good man, leade us awaye, by gode helpe, or hit bee day, that we can good, thy wife shall saye,
and that thow shalt well see. 495
475 and commen ] a-commen H W h 477 and J as H W h after 479 Joseph ad obstetrices ] omit H ad ] omit W h 482
into ] to H 483 nere ] nye W 484 helpes ] helpe Wr.
486 mot ] moche B 488 Tebell ] Tebell a midwief B 490
well ] omit W 492 Salome ] Salome the other midwyffe B
awaye ] the waye H B W h 493 by gode ] with Gods
HB Wh
26 Chester Nativity (I)
[Scene 9]
Joseph : Loe ! Marye ! harte ! brought I have here too midd wives, for the man ere, to bee with thee, my darlinge deare, tyll that hit be daye.
soo Maria : Syr, the(y) be welcome, withowt were, but god will worke of his powere full sonne for mee, my lefe fere, as best is nowe and aye.
Tune paululum acqui(e)scunt.
A! Joseph! tydinges aright! s°s I have a sonne, a sweete wight,
lord, thanked bee thow, full of might, for preeved is thy postee!
Payne felte I non this night, but right soe as hee in mee light, s10 commen hee is here in this sight,
gode sonne, as thow maye see.
Tune stella apparebit.
Joseph: Lord, welcome, sweete Jesu,
thy name thow haddest or I thee knew; nowe leeve I the angell's worde is trewe, 515 that thow arte a cleane maye.
ffor thow arte commen man's blys to brewe to all that thy lawe will shewe;
496 hart ] omit h, sweete harte W brought ] after * have ' in H 497 too ] II H B W h 500 they ] the D Wr. 502 lefe ]
life H h Dm., leiffe Wr. lyffys B * 503 aye ] ever W ac-
quiescunt] acquicscunt D, acquiescant H 506 full] much
H B W h 508 payne ] penance H non ] before ' felte '
H B W h 510 hee is J is he H this ] my H B W h
511 gode ] Gods H B W h thow ] you H maye ] maist B 514 worde is] wordes H B W h 517 lawe] saw H
Chester Nativity (1) 27
nowe man's joy beginns to new, and noye to passe awaye.
Maria: Lord, blessed most thow bee
that simple borne art, as I see, to preeve the divell of his postee commen thow arte to-daye,
diuersorye is non for thee,
therefore thy sweete bodye free m
in this cratch shall lye with lee, and lapped abowt with haye.
Tebell: A! dere lord, heaven kinge,
that this is a marvelous thinge ! withowten teene or travaylinge 530
a fayre sonne shee hasse one.
I dare well saye for sooth, I-wys, that cleane mayden this woman ys, for shee hath borne a chyld with blyss,
Soe wiste I never none. 535
Salome: Be styll, Tebell, I thee praye, for that is false in good faye, was never woman cleane maye, and chyld withowt man.
But never the latter, I will assaye 540
whether shee bee cleane maye, and know it if I cann.
Tune Salome tentabit tangere Mariam in sexu secreto, et statim arentur manus eius, et clamando dicit:
618 beginns ] beginneth Wr. 519 noye ] ioye W h 521 art] is B 523 thow arte] art thou B 524 diuersorye]
fyne clothes W, fyne lynnen h 527 and ] all B, and be W h 539 and chyld ] and had child H B 541 cleane ] a cleane H B after 541 ] no MS. indicates omission of a line. 542 it ] omit
h Dm. after 542 Tune Salome etc. ] : in sexu ] scpu Wr.
arentur ] arenent H, arement B h Dm., arescent Wr. manus ] manibus h dicit ] dicat Wr.
28 Chester Nativity (I)
Alas ! alas ! alas ! alas ! mee is betyde an evyll case ! 545 my hande bee dryed up in this place,
that feelinge none have I.
Vengeance on mee ys nowe light, for I would tempte godde might; alas that I came here to-night, 550 to suffer such anoye!
Tune apparet stella, et veniet angehts (dicens) ut sequitur :
(Angelus) : Woman, beseech this childe of grace, that hee forgive thee the trespasse, and ere thow goe owt off this place holpen thow may bee.
555 This miracle that now thow seest here
is of gode owne powere, to bringe mankinde owt of dangere, and mende them, leeve thow mee.
Salome: Ah! sweete child, I aske mercye, 560 for thy mother's love, Marye,
though I have wrought wretchedlye, sweete childe, forgive yt me!
Ah! blessed bee god! all whole am I. nowe leeve I well and sickerlye 565 that god is commen man to forbye,
and thow, lord, thow art hee !
543 and 544 ] written as one line in H^ as are 545 and 546, 547 and 548, 549 and 550. 544 evyll ] sorye HBWh 545
hande ] handes H B W h 547 nowe ] omit W h 548 godde] Gods HBWh 549 tonight] this night h 550 anoye] a
noye HBWh after 550 dicens ] omit D 551 Angelus ]
omit D woman] wemen Wr. beseech] before B 552 the]
thy HBWh 553 ere ] ever W 554 may bee ] shalbe W 555 now] after ' thon ' in B h, after ' myracle ' in W 556 Grode ] Godes HBWh 561 wretchedlye] wickedly h 564 sickerlye] seckeretlye Dm. 566 first thow ] omit W, now B
Chester Nativity (I) 29
[Scene 10]
Expositor: Loe ! lordinges all, of this miracle here [39 b] freere Bartholemewe, in good mannere, beareth wytnes, withowten were, as played is you beforne. 57°
and other myracles, yf I maye, I shall rehearse, or I goe awaye, that befell that ilke daye that Jesus Christ was borne.
Wee reade in cronicles express : 575
somtyme in Rome a temple was, made of soe greate ryches that wonder was witterlye.
ffor all thinges in hit, leeve you mee, was silver, gould, and rych perlye; 580
thryd parte the world, as read wee, that temple was worthye.
Of eych province, that booke mynde mase, ther godde Image sett there was, and eych on abowt his necke has 585
a silver bell hanginge,
And on his brest written also
the lande name and gode too,
and sett was alsoe, in middest of tho,
god of Rome right as a kinge. 590
667 all] omit H B 668 freere] Free Wr. 671 and] an
B W h. myracles J myracle B W h 673 ilke ] same W h
577 soe ] such W h 580 perlye ] perye H B, pearle W,
araye h 581 thryd J the thirde W 584 sett there ] ther
set B W h there ] omit H 585 on ] omit B 688 name ]
names B W gode too ] gods both two H B W h 689 was ]
wa B, omit W h middest ] myddes H B h Dm., medeste Wr. of tho] altho H 690 Rome right] renowne H.
30 Chester Nativity (I)
Abowt the house alsoe mevinge there a man on horse stood, men to steare, and in his hand hee bare a spere, all pure dispituouslye.
595 That horse and man was made of brasse,
torninge abowte that Image was; save certayne preystes, ther might non passe, for devyll's phantasie.
But when that any lande with battell 600 was readye Rome for to assayle,
The gode (Image), withowten fayle, of that land range his bell,
and torned his face dispituouslye to god of Rome, as reade I,
«°5 in tokeninge that (they) were readye
for feyghting freshe and felle. The Image, alsoe, aboue standinge, when the bell beneathe begane to ringe, torned him, all sharpely shewinge
610 towarde that lande his spere.
and when they see this tokeninge, Rome ordayned, withowt tareinge, an oste to keepe there comminge, longe or they came there.
6is And on this manere, sothelye,
by arte of neagromancye, all the world, witterlye,
to Rome were made to lowt,
591 alsoe] was H mevinge] meaninge Wr. 594 all pure] a pewer h 599 when that ] omit that H h 601 Image ] I may D, I meane W h 605 tokeninge ] token B they ] there D Wr. were] wente Wr. 606 for ] to H B W h 607 aboue] about H 609 torned] torninge W him] him self B 611 see] saw H B h Dm., see Wr. they ] the Wr. 613 comminge] torninge Wr. 615 on ] in H B W h
Chester Nativity (I) 31
and that temple there, dowbtles, [40 a]
was called therfore the temple of peace, 620 that through (t)his sleyt battell can cease
throughowt the worlde abowte. But hee (that) coyntly this worke caste, asked the devyll, or hee paste, howe lange that temple hit should laste, 6*5
that hee there can buylde. The devill answered suttilly, and sayd yt should last sickerlye, untill a mayden wemmostlye
had conceyued a chylde. 630
They hard and beleeved therfore yt should endure for evermore, but that tyme that Christ was bore
hit fell downe soone in hye. Of which howse is seene this daye 635
somewhat standing, in good faye, but noe man dare well goe that waye,
for feendes' phantasye, That daye was seene verament Three sonnes in the firmament, 64o
and wonderslye together went
and torned into one. The oxe, the asse, ther they were lent, honored Christe in theyr intent, and moe miracles as wee have ment 645
to playe right here anon.
Tune ostendit stellarn et veniet Sibilla ad Imperatorem.
619-623 ] omit h 619 and that ] and in that D B W
621 that ] omit W this ] his D Wr. 623 that ] to D, twoo
B h Dm, so Wr. coyntly ] cunningly e Wr. 625 longe] omi'tW hit] there h 629 wemmostlye] wemmouslie H B h, womanlye W 631 they] the Wr. 637 well goe] goe well H B h Dm.,
goe Wr 640 three ] 3 H B W h 643 were J be Wr.
after 646 ostendit ] ostendant H, ostendent B, ostendunt W h
32 Chester Nativity (I)
[Scene 11]
Sibilla: Syr Emperour, god thee save and see! (looke up on height after mee); I tell you sicker that borne ys hee 6s<> that passeth thee of (power).
6s* That baron thow seest that great shalbee,
(as none lyke him in any degree,) 6s* to passe all kinges and eke thee
that borne are or ever were. Octavyan: A! Sibbel, this is a wondrouse sight, 655 for yonder I see a mayden bright,
a yonge chylde in here armes clight,
a bright crosse in his head, honour I wyll that sweete wight with incense, throughowt all my might, 660 for that reverence is most right,
if that yt bee thy reade. Incense bringe, I command, in hye, to honour this child, kinge of mercye. should I bee god ? nay, nay ! witterlye, 66s great wronge, I wys, yt were.
[40 b] ffor this childe is more worthye
then such a thowsande as am I, therifore to god, moste mightye, Incense I offer here.
Tune angelus cantdbit " Hac cst ara Dei C&li? fiat \notd\ secundum arbitrium agentis.
647-650] order of these lines much confused; all MSS. put 648 after 6$o, in H the original order is indicated by A C D B in another hand that also corrected a former ^postye* (650) to ''power1, 648
up on ] np an H 649 sicker ] trulye W h 650 power ]
postee D B W h, H also reads thus originally (cf. under 647—650). 651 that great ] so great H, that so great B, greate W h 651 a ] omit D B W h, found only in margin of H 653 ] that is borne or ever shalbe W are] was h 659 throughowt] through H B, with W h all ] omit H after 669 hie ] hec Wr. est ] este Wr. Ceeli] Cela Wr. fiat] fiant Wh nota] notam D H B W h
Chester Nativity (I) 33
A! Sybbell, heres not thow this songe? 670
my members all yt gooth amonge ; Joy and blys makest my harte stronge, to heare this melody.
Sy(c)ker, yt may non other bee,
but this childe is prince of postye, *7$
and I his subiect, as I see ;
he is most worthye.
Sybbell: Yea, syr, you shall leeve well this, somewhere one yearth borne he is, and that hee comes for man's blys 68»
his tokeninge this can shewe. Reverence him, I read, I wys, for other god there none yis ; that hopes otherwise doth amys,
but him for Christe to knowe. 68s
Octavyan : Syr senators, goes home anone, and warne my men everychone, that suche worshipp I must forgonne
as they would doe to me.
but this child worshipp eych mane, 690
with full harte, all that you (can), for hee is worthy to leeve upon,
and that nowe I (well) see. (Senator) : A ! lord, whatever this may bee,
this is a wondrous sight to see, 695
670 not thow ] thou not H B 672 makest ] makes H B
Dm. h, maketh Wr. stronge ] full strong H 674—678 ] omit B 674 sycker] syrker D, trnlye W, surely h 678 you shall]
thou shalt B W h 680 comes ] commeth Wr. 681 token inge ] token W H 684 that J he that W h hopes ] hopeth Wr. otherwise ] otherwayes H doth ] he doth H B h Dm. 686 Syr ] sires B W h 687 everychone ] every one H, every
echone B W h 691 can ] omit D 693 nowe I ] I now W li well J wyll D H B 694 Senator ] omit D B W h A ] and W h 695 wondrous] wonders H
C
34 Chester Nativity (I)
for in the starre as thinkes mee, I see a full fayre maye.
Syr, shall this child passe yee of worthiness and dignitee ? 700 such a lord, by my lewtye,
I wend never had binne.
Expositor: Lordinges, that this is verey, by verey sygne knowe yee maye, for in Rome, in good faye,
there as this thinge was seen£,
Was buy Id a church in noble araye,
in worshipp of Marye, that sweete maye,
that yett lastes untyll this daye,
as men know that there have binne.
and for to have full memorye of the angells' melody, and of this sight, sickerlye, the Emperoure ther knewe,
The church is called St. Marye, 7*5 the surname is aracaeli,
that men knowe nowe well therby that this was fully trewe.
another miracle I fynd also at Christes byrth, that fell thoo, 720 when Salome attempted to knowe
whether shee was a maye.
6% thinkes] thinketh Wr. 698 1 'primus Senator' above line in W 700 lewtye] bewtie Dm. 701 binne] bene none
H B W h 703 verey sygne ] signes true B 705 this
thinge] thes thingis Wh 708 lastes] lasteth Wr. untyll]
unto H W h this ] omit B 715 aracseli ] Ara Caeli H B in
a racali W, in ra call h 716 that] tha Dm. now ] omit Wr. 719 at ] a Wr. that ] omit B W h f eU thoo ] f ell right tho HB Wh
Chester Nativity (I)
Hyr hand roted, as you have scene, wherby you may take good teene that unbeleeffe is a fowle sinne, as you have seen within this playe.
36
Finis pagina sexta.
726 within ] in Wr. playe ] place W h pagina sexta }
pagina> sextae H W h, omit B deo gracias W h, "W adding per me Georgi bellin 1592, Come lorde lesu Come quickly; h adds date 1600. after Finis pagina sexta ] John Egerton Esqr. D
(in a later hand].
C2
[41 b] THE PAYNTERS' PLAYE:
INCIPET PAGINA SEPTIMA DE PASTORIBUS.
Prim(us) Pastor : On wouldes I walked (full) wylde, under buskes my bowre to b(u)ylde, from styffe stormes my sheepe to shilde, my seemely wedders to save,
5 ifrom comlye Conwaye unto clyde
under tyldes them to hyde. a better shepperd on no syde noe yearthlye man may have.
ifor with walkynge werye I have mee wrought, 10 besydes the Suche my sheepe I sought;
my taytfull tuppes are in my thought, them to save and heale
ifrom the shrewde scabbe [that] sought, or the rotte, yf yt were wrought, 15 if the cough had them caught,
of hyt I could them heale.
Loe ! here bee my herbes saffe and sownde, wyssly wrought for everye (w)ounde, —
The paynters playe ] The paynters and glasiers H Dm., The paynters and the glasiers Playe Wr., after the Latin in H Incipet ] incipit B W h, omit H de pastoribus ] de pastoribus greges pascentibus H primus pastor] omit B, primo pastor (as in all other places) D
1 I J before have B W h full] omit D 2 buskes] bushes W h buylde ] bylde D 5 clyde ] glide H 6 under ] on the H
tyldes ] hilles B 9 wrought ] thoughte B W h 11 tayt
full ] tytefull H, toylefull B, taleful W, taylefull h 12 save ] have B 13 that] yt D, it H B W h 16 of hyt] of yf W 18 wounde 1 mounde D
Chester Shepherds Play (II) 37
the|y | woulde a whole man bringe to grownde within a little [thro we]. «
Of henbane and horehounde, (r)ybbe, radishe, and egermonde, which bee my (h)erbes, save and sounde, medled on a Rowe.
Here be more herbes, I tell yt you, **>
I shall rekken them on a Rowe, fynter-fanter and fetterfowe, and alsoe penye-wrytte.
This is all that I knowe,
for be yt wether or be yt yoo, 30
I shall heale the(m) on a rowe cleane from theyre hurte.
Here is tarre in a pott, to heale them from the rott; well I can and well I wott 35
the talgh from them take.
And yf sworne yt had the thursse, yett shall the talgh be in my purse, and the sheape never the worse
to renne on the rake. p £t/v~x"*' c^^ 4° But noe fellowshippe here have I, [42a]
save myselfe, alone, in good faye,
19 they ] the all MSS. 20 throwe ] whyle all A/SS.,
22 rybbe ] tybbe D, tibbie B, bybbey W h, ribbie H 23 herbes ] merbes D 25] preceded by 1. 27 in h 27 and] omit H
28 wrytte J Professor Zupitza suggests • wurtt,' for the sake of the rime ; it seems scarcely necessary 31 heale them ] them
heale W them] the D rowe] thraw H 32 from] of
HBh theyre] the B 34 to] for to H from] of H
36 talgh ] talch (possibly calch) H, talgh h, caughe W, taytinge B take ] to take H 37-41 ] omit W h 38 yett shall
the ] omit B after 40 ] stage direction (Tune ad sedem) H
38 Chester Shepherds' Play (II)
therfore after one faste will I crye, but first will I drinke, if I maye,
hie potat prim(us) pastor.
45 Howe ! harvye ! howe !
drive thy sheep to the lowe! thow may not here excepte I blowe, as ever have I heale !
hie fldbit primus pastor.
Secund(us) pastor: Yt is no shame for mee to shewe 50 how I was set for to sbwe
with the fether of a crowe, a clowt upon my heele.
sitt downe.
ffelowe, now be we well mett; (one thing) methinkes us needes : 55 had wee Tudd heere by vs sett,
(then) might wee sitte and feede vs.
Prim(us) pastor : yea, to feede vs frendly in fay, (now) might we have our service, crye thow must lowd, by this daye! 60 Tudd is deafe and may not well here vs.
after 44] stage direction (tune potet) H potat] potet W 45 har vye ] Haroye all MSS howe ] how how all MSS 46 thy ] the H 47 excepte ] but if H 48 heale ] f eale H, fey Professor Zupitza after 48 stage direction} (Tune flat cum Cornu et reddit : ' Aho ' 10.0. Tune venit secundus gerens plumam cornicis cum vestis parte veteris.) H after hie flabit primus pastor h adds in margin Et sittes down ; B and W add Sitt downe. 49 no ] not H B h Dm. me ] omit W h Secundus ] always written either Scdo, or Secundo in D 50 set] taught h for] omit W sowe] loe H W after 52 sitt downe] omit H, in serted after hie flabit etc. (after 48) B W h 53 be we ] we be H B W h 54 one thing ] and though D B W h 56 then ] them D 57 pastor] omit H before this line H reads: (tune humili voce : ' Howe, Tud, tud ') 58 now ] how D Wr. ser vice] service aye Wh 60 may] omit W after 60] H omits this stage direction, but cf. I. 57
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 39
Secund(us) pastor vocat submissa voce :
How ! Tudd ! come for thy fathers kyn !
Prim(us) pastor : Nayye ! faye ! thy voyce is wonders dym. why ! knowys thow not him ? ffye, man, for shame!
Call him 4 Tudd, Tybbys sonne,' *s
and then wyll the shrewe come, for, in good fayth, yt is his wonne to love well his damys name.
Secund(us) pastor: How, Tudd, Tybbys sonne! Tertius pastor : Syr, in fayth, nowe I come, ?<>
for yett have I not all donne that I have to done.
To seethe salve for our sheepe, and, lest my wiffe should yt weete, with great gravell and greete 75
I scowre (an) ould panne.
Hemlocke and hayrifFe, — take keepe! —
with tarre beyste must bene all tamed,
Penyegrasse and butter for fatt sheepe;
for this salve am I not ashamed. »°
Ashamed am I not to shewe |42b]
no poynt that longeth to my crafte,
noe better — that I well knowe -
in land is nowhere la(f)te.
61 ] H has hfading Secundus 62 Nayye ] may B faye ]
fye H wonders ] wondrous H, wonderous Wr. after 64 ]
stage direction (tune vocat voce canora, ut antea.) H in margin 69 pastor ] omit H 70 pastor ] omit H 71 all ] half H
72 done] doe H B W h to] for to H 73 our ] my h
76 an ] and D 78 tarre beyst ] tarboyst H B W h must
bene all tamed ] bene to me all good H all ] omit W h 80 for ] of H 82 that] to B longeth] longes Wr. 84 laf te ]
laste D
40 Chester Shepherds Play (II)
85 ffor, good men, this is not vnknown
to husbands that benne here abowt that eych man muste (to his wife bowne), and commonly for feare of a clowte. Thus for clowtes now care I,
90 all ys for feare of our [dame-kynn,]
now wyll (I) caste my ware hereby, and hye faste that I were at Hankynn. Hankynn, hold up thy hand and have mee, that I were on height there by thee.
95 Prim(m) pastor : Gladly, syr and thow would bee by me, for loth is me to denye thee.
Secund(us) pastor : Nowe sythen god hath gathered vs
together,
with good harte I thanke him of his grace, welcome be thow, well fayre wedder ! «>«> Tudd, will we shape vs to some solace?
Tertius pastor : [Yea], solace would best be seene, that we shape vs to our supper, for meate and drinke, well I deeme, to eych deede is most dere.
105 Prim(m) pastor : Lay forth eych man, i-lych, what he hath lafte of his liverye ; And I will put forth my pyche, with my parte, firste of vs all three.
ffor] for to W 86 bene] be Wr. 87 to his wife bowne] bowe to his wife D 89 thus ] this Wr. 90 our ] omit H
dame-kynn ] dame kynne B, dame kenye W h dame keynn D 91 J ] omit D 94 on ] on a H 95 pastor ] omit H bee
by ] ban H 96 is me ] me is H W h, I ame B 97 pastor ] omit 15. sythen] seinge Wr. 99 wedder] wether H, weither W, weather h 101 Yea ] Yeg H, omit D B W h 103 deeme ] wene Wh 104 dede] man H 105 pastor] omit H
eych man i-lych ] I ech man besech B i-lych ] alyche H W h 107 put ] first put H B
Chester Shepherds Play (11) 41
Secund(us) pastor : and such store as my wife had,
in your sight soone shall you see, »•
at our beginninge vs to glade, for in good meate ther is much glee, here is bredd this day was bacon, onyons, garlycke, and leekes, butter that bought was in Blacon, "»
and greene cheese that will greese well your cheekes.
Tertius pastor : And here ale of Halton I have, and what meate I had to my hyer; A puddinge may noe man deprave, and a Jannock of Lancastershyre. "°
Loe ! here a sheepes head sowsed in ale, and a gr(o)yne to laye on the greene, And sowre milke my wife had (on sale) — a noble supper as well is scene.
Prim(us) pastor: Nowe will I cast of my cloacke, and put out parte of my liverye,
109 pastor ] omit H 111 to ] for to H B W h 114 leekes ] lyckes B, lyke H, leikes W 115 was ] before ' bought ' B
116 well ] omit H B W h 117 pastor ] omit H 118 what ] hott B h, whotte W 119 a ] and a H 120 Lancaster
shyre ] Lancashire H B W h 122 groyne ] grayne D
123 had ] hath h 011 sale ] ordeyned D B W h after 124 ] H
inserts the following eight lines :
Primus pastor : and as it is well sene, ye shall see
and what somewhat I have in my sacke : a piggs foote I have here, pardye ! and a panch clout in my packe.
A womb clout, fellowes, now have I,
a lyver as is no lak,
a chitterling boyled shall be.
this burden I beare on my backe.
B leaves a space blank after 124. 126 put] pull HB
42 Chester Shepherds Play (II)
put owt that I save in my poacke,
and a pigges foote from puddinges purye.
Tertius pastor : Abyde, fellowes, and yee shall see here *so this hott meate [that we shall hend],
Jambons and other good meate in fere, a puddinge with a pricke in ende.
Prim(us) pastor: my sottchell to shake out,
to sheppardes am I not ashamed ; 'as and this tonge pared rownd aboute,
with my teeth yt shalbe atamed.
Tune commedent, et dicat prim(us) pastor : Byd me doe gladly, and I thee, for by god here is good grawsinge. Come eate with vs, god of heaven hye, MO but take noe heede though ther be noe howsinge.
Secundus pastor: Howsinge ennoughe have wee here, while that wee have heavon over our hedde(s). Now to weete our mouthes tyme were, this flackett will I tame, if thow reade vs.
MS Tertius pastor : And of this bottell nowe will I bibbe, for here is bowles of the best,
127 put] pull H B, and put W save ] have H B W h 128 pig ges] gygges W, gygge h 129 pastor] omit W 130 that we shall hend ] we shall it hend H, we serven yt here D B, serveid here W h 131 meate] omit H Jambons] Gammons Wr. 132 in ] in the H B W h 133 pastor ] omit H my ] and that is in my H 135 and this ] this Oxe H 136 with my teeth ] for your tooth H, with my tonge W atamed ] tamed B h after 136 et dicat etc. ] omit H 137-140 ] omit W 138 by god ] surelie H 139 ] Sit downe by me h hye ] hie hie B 140 and ] but B h ther ] here H B h 141 Secundus pastor ] omit W pastor ] omit H 142 that ] omit H B h Dm. heddes] hedde D 143 were] it were H 144 flackett] flagette W h, flaggen H 145 pastor ] omit H and ] Nowe H nowe] omit H bibbe] bibble B W h, fele H 146 bowles] but H B W h
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 43
such lickour makes men to live, this game may noewhere be leste.
Prim(us) pastor : ffellowes, nowe our bellyes be full,
thinke we on him that keepes our flockes; 150 blowe thy home and call after Trowle, and bydd him somme of our byttlockes. ^x
Secund(us) pastor: Well sayd, Hankyn, by my soothe, for that shrewe, I suppose, vs seekes, my home to lille I shall not lesse *ss
tyll that lad have some of our leekes.
Tertius pastor : Leekes to his liverye is likinge, such a lad nowhere in land is. blowe a note for that meetinge, whyle that home nowe in thy hand ys. **<>
Primus pastor: With this home I shall make a hooe, [43 b] that hee and all heaven shall here, Yonder lad that sittes on a lowe the lowd of this home shall here.
Tune cantabit, et dicat Garcius:
Good lord, look on mee, 1*5
and my flocke here, as the(y) fed have;
on this wold walke wee,
are no men here that (me wald have).
147 men ] me W h 148 noewhere ] no way H B leste ]
lost B H h, lefte W 149 pastor ] omit H 150 flockes ]
fiheepe H 1B1 call ] blowe W ' 153 pastor ] omit H
154 vs seekes ] seeke us H B, seekes us W h 155 lille ]
by lie B h, tilt H, blowe W lesse ] lette W 157 pastor ]
omit H likinge ] to your lyking H 158 nowhere in land] in
land nowhere H 159 meetinge ] mytting H B W h
160 nowe ] omit H 161 pastor ] omit H 163 sittes ] still
is B 164 lowt ] lowde W h shall ] he shall H B after
164 cantabit ] cantant H dicat Garcius ] venit Gartius H, dicat Trowle B W h 165 ] H has heading- : Gartius 166 here ]
omit H they ] the D Wr. fed ] f oode H 167 walke wee ]
walke we woe W, walkinge wee h 168 me wald have ] so H, noe waye D B h, maye W
44 Chester Shepherds Play (II)
All is playne, perdai,
**° therfore, sheepe, we mon goe
noe better may bee of beast that blood and bonne have. Wotte I not day or night necessaryes that to me beelongen :
vs tarboyte and tarboll,—
yee shall here, —
nettle, hemlock, and butter abydinge, and my good dogge, dottynolle, that is nothing cheesse of his chydinge.
180 yf any man come mee bye,
And would wytt which waye beste were, my legge I lifte up whereas I lye, and wishe him the waye easte and west-where. And I rose where I laye,
185 me would thinke that travell lost ;
for kinge ne duke, by this daye, Ryse I will not, but take my rest here. Nowe will I sitt here adowne, and pippe at this pott like a pope;
'9° would god that I were downe
harmeles, as I hastelye hope.
169 playne ] plaine plaine H 170 we mon goe ] mon we
good have H 171 may ] then these H 172 of beast ]
added to preceding line Dm. beast ] beastes H B W h 174 bee
longen ] needen H B, ne done W h 175 ] you shall here
sone see in sight of small hannes that to me neden H 176 ] ye shall see heare W h Tarboist, tarboyle and nettle H fed. Deim- ling) 176 and 177 ] written as one line in H B h Dm.
177 nettle ] in H added to preceding line. 181 beste were ]
were best Wh 182 whereas] where H, as B W h 183 easte] by east H where ] omit W 184 where ] when H B W h
185 me] I W h lost] best were H 187 Kyse] Nay H
here] omit W 188] now will I sett me adowne H Nowe
here sitte downe I will W, Nowe here adowne sitt I will h 189-190 ] omit W 191 ] before 189 in h
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 45
Noe man drinke here shall, save myself, the devyll of the sope. All this lotte I sett at little- nay, yee lads, sett I not by yee— 195 for you have I manye a fowle fitt, thow fowle filth, though thowflytt, Idefyethee!
Prim(us) pastor : Trowle, take tent to my talkinge, for thy tooth here is good tugginge, while thy wedders benne walkinge **»
on this loyne thow may have good lugginge.
Garcius : ffye on your loynes and your liverye, your liveraste, livers, and longes, your sose, your sowse, your savverraye, your sittinge withowt any songes. a°5
One this hill I hold mee here, noe hape to your hot meate have I, but flyte with my fellowes in feare, and your sheepe full sycerly save I.
after 191 ] H adds the following two lines :
At me all men lerne mon this Golgotha grimly to grope
192 drinke here shal J here drink mon H, here shall drink B W, shall drinke h 194 lotte ] lathes H, lottis B, bottill W h
little ] lyt ? Ed. 195 sett ] kepe B W h by yee ] to lye thee
H B W h 196 I ] omit W h 197 I defye thee ] written
as a separate line in H B h Dm. Deimling has emended and un consciously follows D ; either Wright made a similar emendation or Deimling misquotes the MS. 198 pastor] omit H tent] teene
W h 199 tooth J teeth H W, touth B h tugginge] dugging H, tovginge W, togginge h 201 on] and on W 202 Gar
cius ] Trowle W h 203 liveraste ] ly veras H, lyuerastis B h
204 sose ] sawce H sowse ] lawce H, sawse B h, saustes W savverraye ] sauerage B H B h Dm. insert and before your sav« verray 207 your hot ] you what H 208 flyte ] sitte W
feare ] freye W 209 sycerly ] securely B W h save I ]
kepe I h
46 Chester Shepherds' Play (II)
310 Secundus pastor : ifor that thow saves our sheep,
good nave, take keepe!
sythen thow may not sleepe,
come eate of this sowse ! Garcius: Nay, the dyrte is so deepe «s stopped therin for to steepe,
and the grubbes theron do creepe,
at (home), at thy howse.
Therfore meate, if I may,
of your dightinge todaye, 220 will I nought, by noe waye,
tyll I have my (wage).
I wend to have binne gaye,
but see ! soe ragged is myne araye.
aye pinches is your paye 225 to any poore page.
Tertius pastor : Trowle, boy, for gode tree,
come eate a morsell with me,
and then wrastle will wee
here on this wold. 23° Garcius : That shall I never flee,
though yt bee with all three;
to laye my liverye,
that (wager) will I hold.
210 pastor ] omit H that ] omit B W h 211 take keepe ]
take and keepe H 214 Garcius ] Trowle W h dyrte ] dyrte
therin H so ] to B 215 stopped ] stamped H W 216 do ] omit H 217 home ] whom D W 218 and 219 ] written
as one line in H as are 220 and 221 220 noe way ] the way B
221 wage] wages D B W h 222 wend] wend or this H B h Dm. 223 but ] omit H B W h 224 pinches ] pynckes H B W h,
pinchinge B 225 any] every H B W h 226 pastor]
omit H gode ] gods H B W h tree ] pitty H, three B, fee W h 228 then ] omit H 229 wold ] greene W h 230 Garcius ]
omit H, Trowle W h, Gartius in B, but crossed out and altered into Trowle shall ] will H 231 bee ] were H with all ] with
you all H B h Dm. 232 liverye ] liberay H 233 wager ]
omit D, wages B W h
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 47
Tune ibit ad magistros suos, et dicat:
Nowe comes Trowle, the trewe,
a torne to take have I tight *3*
with my masters, or I rewe,
put him forth that most is of might.
Prim(us) pastor: Trowle, better (thou) never knewe, eate of this meate for a knight.
Garcius: Naye, spare, though I spewe, M«
all upon your heade shall yt light.
Secund(us) pastor : Howe ! should we suffer this shame of a shrewe thus to be shente?
Tertius pastor : This ladd lusts so to bee lame,
and loose a lymme, or hee went. MS
Garcius: Have donne! beginne wee this game, but warre lest your golyons glent ! that were little dole to our dame, though in the myddest of (Dee) yee were drent.
Primus pastor : Ffalse lad ! fye on thy face ! *5°
on this grownde thow shall have a fall ! hent one ! and hould that thow hasse ! yf thow happe have, all goe to all !
after 233 ibit ] ibunt W magistros ] maistres B, magistrates W suos ] omit H B W h et dicat ] omit H, et dicat Trowle W 237 most is ] is most H B W h 238 pastor ] omit H thou
never ] never thou Wr. thou ] ther D knewe ] kever H 240 Garcius ] Trowle W h spare ] spare I will H B W h 241 your heade ] thie head B W h, your heades H shall yt ] it shall H B h Dm. yt ] omit Wr. 242 pastor ] omit H this ] all
this W h 243 thus] this Wr. 244 pastor] omit H lusts
so ] list H Dm. h, luste Wr., lustis B lame ] lamde W 246 Garcius ] Trowle W h 247 glent ] gleett B W h 248 our ] your H 249 the ] omit B W h of ] omit B W h Dee ] the
day D yee] they Bh Dm., the Wr. 260 pastor] omit H
253 happe have] haue all haue H
48 Chester Shepherds Play (II)
Garcius : And (here), syrs. (to doe you) solace, 355 Hankyn, sheparde, shame thee I shall ;
wroth thow art worse then thow was. warre lest thow waiter here by the wall !
Tune proiiciat primum pastorem, et dicat Sec(un)d(us) pastor:
Sec(un)d(us) pastor : Boye, lest I breake thy bones,
kneele downe and axe me a boone, 260 lest I destroy thee here on these stones ;
Sease, lest I shend thee to soone.
Garcius : Gole thee to groyns and grownes !
good were thee thy ould ragges to save soone, Little dowbt of such drownes, 365 ly ther, tyke, for thy deedes donne.
Tertius pastor : Owt ! alas ! hee lyes on his loynes ! but lett mee goe now to that lad ! sheppardes he shames and shends, for last now am I owt-shad.
«?o Garcius : Both your backes here to me bendes ! for all your boastes I hould you to bad; hould your arses and your hinder loynes, then hope I to have, as I have had,
254 Garcius ] Trowle W h here J this D, these Wr. to doe you ] here to D Wr. 256 wroth ] worth W h 257 waiter ] wait H B W h after 257 Tune proiiciat etc. ] tune primus
proiicitur H primum ] primam W h, primus B 258 pastor ]
omit H break ] break there H 261 shend ] shame W h
262 Garcius ] Trowle W h Gole ] gloe W h thee ] that H to ] so H B h Dm. groynes] grennes H B Wh grownes] groundes W
265 ly ther ] lyther H B W h tyke ] like H donne ] are done H B W h after 265 H adds (tune 2 us proijicitur.)
266 loynes J rime requires lendes, but rime seems to have been of secondary importance ! 267 mee ] omit H B h Dm. goe now ] now goe H 268 shends] shenes B 269 shad] shutt B 270 Garcius ] Trowle W h bendes ] byndes H, bend B 271 boastes ] boast H B W h to ] but H, full B W h 273 I ] omit H have had ] ere had H Dm., now had B, tofore had Wr.
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 49
the better in the bore,
as I had before, »?s
of this bovearte.
Yea, hope I more,
keepe well thy store,
for feare of a farte.
Tune proijciat tertium pastorem, et dicat Garcius :
lye ther, lither, in the lake! «*»
my liverye nowe will I lach,
this curye, this clowt, and this cake,
for yee be cast, now will I catch.
To the devyll I you all betake,
as traytours attaynt of your tache. **s
on this would, with this will, I (wake,)
all the world wonder on the wache.
Et sic recedat Garcius, et dicat prim(us) pastor : ffellowes, this a fowle case is, that wee bine thus cast of a knave, all agaynst our wille hee has his; *9«
But I must needes hould the harmes that 1
have. • S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : That I have needes must I hold. [45tj
of these vnhappie harmes ofte here I,
274 in ] and H 275 ] joined to 274 in B W h, to 276 in H
Dcimling again emends to read with D 276 bovearte ] bosiart H. boverte W, bovorte h 278 store ] score B h Dm. 277
and 278 -written as one line in B W h after 279 tune proij
ciat etc. ] Tune 3. us. proijcitur H tertium pastorem ] tercius pastor B et dicat Gartius ] omit H, et dicat Gertius B, et dicat Trowle W h 281 will I ] I will H B W h 282 curye]
cup H 284 you all ] all yon H B W h 285 as ] and
H B W h attaynt ] taynt H 286 with ] omit fl, on Dm.
wake ] walke D B W h before 288 Et sic etc. ] omit H
Garcius ] Trowle W h pastor ] omit H 289 of ] out of W h
290 wille ] willes B W h 291 harmes ] harm H B W h
292 pastor ] omit H 293 I ] omit H
D
50 Chester Shepherds' Play (II)
therfore will I wayte on this would 295 vpon the wedder, for I am werye.
Tertius pastor : Though wee bine werye, noe wonder, what betweene wrastling and wakinge! Ofte wee may bee in thought, we be now
vnder, god amend hit with his makinge !
Tune sedebunt. et stella apparebit, et dicant
300 Prim(us) pastor : What is all this light here
that blasses soe bright here
on my black beard?
for to see this light here
a man may bee afright here, 305 for I am afeard.
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor: ifeard for a fraye nowe may wee bee all nowe, and yett it is night, yett seemes yt day nowe, 3io never, soothly to saye nowe,
see I such a sight.
Tertius Pastor: Such a sight seeminge, and a light leeminge lett mee to looke.
294 wayte] weete H 295 the wedder] this would H
2% pastor ] omit H bine ] be H B W h 297 wakinge ] walk ing B "W h 298 ] ofte maye we be over though we be no wonder H after 299 stella apparebit] apparebit stella H et dicat ] omit H, dicant Wr. 300 pastor ] omit H 301 blasses ] shynes H, black is B, blackes W h 303 light ] sight H 304 and 305 ] -written as one line in H, as are 306 and 307, 312 and 313, 314 and 3/5. 305 afeard] afraid B h Dm., freayde Wr. 306 pastor ] omit H ffeard] aferd H, ffreayde W h 308 and] a B W h 310] omit W h 313 leeminge] gleming H 314 lett ] letts H B W h to ] for to H
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 61
All, to my deeminge, 3««
from a starre streaminge yt to mee stroake.
Garcius : That starre if it stond to seeke will I fond,
though my sight fayle mee. 3~
while I may live' in lond, why should I not fond yf it will avayle mee?
Tune respiciens firmamentum dicat Garcius : A ! gode might is,
in yonder starre light is, 3*5
of the sonne this sight is, as it nowe seemes.
Prim(us) pastor : Hit seemes, as I now see, a bright starre to bee,
there to abyde. «•
from yt we may not flee, but aye gloe on the glee, tyll yt downe glyde.
(Secundus) pastor: ffellowes, will wee [45 b]
kneele downe on our knee, 335
after comford, to the trewe trinitee, for to lead vs for to see our elders'
^
318 Garcius ] Trowle W h J 318 and 319 ] written as one
line in H as are every first and second, every fourth and fifth lines of all these six-line stanzas. 319 seeke] se H B W h 320 my sight ] might light W h mee ] omit H B W h 322 not fond ] stond H, found B W h 323 mee ] omit H B W h before
Garcms] Trowle W h dicat] et dicat Wr. 324 might is]
ZupiizcTsuggcsts mightis 327 seemes] sheines W 328 pastor] omit H 329 to ] for to H 832 gloe ] glye W h 834
pastor ] omit H 336 comford ] comf ortes W h 388 for
to see ] to see H B W h
D2
52 Cluster Shepherds Play (II)
340 Tertius pastor : Our lord will vs lere,
in our prayer,
wherto yt will apent,
and why on high here
the eare is soe cleare. 345 nowe shall wee bekent.
Garcius: Lord of this light, send vs some sight why that it is sent, before this night, 350 was I never so afright
of the firmament.
Prim(us) pastor : (nor I), by my faye ! nowe is it nigh daye, so was it never. 355 therfore I praye
the sooth us to saye, or that we desever.
Tune cantet Angelas : Gloria in excelsis deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis.
(Primus pastor) : ifellowes in feare,
may yee not here 360 this mutinge on (height)?
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : In glore and in glere, yett noe man was nere within our sight.
340 pastor ] omit H 341 in ] in this H 342 will ]
well H 343 high ] height H B W h 345 bekent ] be
kent H B W h 346 Garcius ] Trowle W h 347 send ]
guide B W h 348 that ] omit H sent ] fayre H 352 pastor] omit H nor I ] Ne fye D, wiest I B W h 357 that ] omit H
we ] omit h 358 primus pastor ] omit D H 359 yee ]
you H B W h 360 height ] highe D 361 secundus
pastor ] omit H in glore ] on glore H B, a glore W h in glere ] on glere H B
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 53
Tertius pastor : Naye, yt was a ' glorye,'
nowe am I sorye 36$
bowt more songe. Garcius: Of this strange storye
such mirth (more I)
would have amonge. Prim(us) pastor: as I then deemed, 370
4 selsis ' it seemed
that hee songe soe. S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor: Whyle the light leemed, [46 a]
a wreakinge mee weened,
I wyst never whoo. 375
Tertius pastor : What song was this, saye yee,
that he sang to vs, all three?
expounded shall yt bee,
erre wee hethen passe;
for I am eldest of degree, 380
and alsoe best, as seemes mee,
hit was 'groy, gloy,' with a 'glee,'
hit was neyther more nor lesse. Garcius : Nay, yt was 4 gloy, glay, glorius,'
methinke that note went over the howse ; 385
a seemely man he was and curiouse,
but soone awaye hee was.
364 pastor] omit H 365 am I] I am H B W h 366 bowt] without H, but Wr. 367 Garcius ] Trowle W h 368 more I ] is merye D 369 would ] I would D H B h 370 pastor ] omit H then ] them W 371 selsis ] Cselcis H, Selcis B,
SceUsis W h 372 songe ] sang H B W h soe ] omit W
373 pastor] omit H 374 a wreakinge] awwakinge h mee]
we H weened ] deemed h 376 pastor ] omit H 376
and 377 ] written as one line in H as are also 378 and 379 377 he ] the W, was h sang ] songe h 379 erre ] or H B W h
hethen ] hense Wr. 382 groy gloy ] glorum glarum H, glorie glare h, glore glare W, glore glore B 384 Garcius] Trowle W h 384-388 ] omit H gloy glay ] glore glore H B glorie glora W, glori h 386 methinke] methought H B W h went] ronne W h
54 Chester Shepherds' Play (II)
Prim(us) pastor : Nay, yt was ' glory, glay,' with a ; glo,'
and much of ' celsis ' was therto, 390 as ever have I rest [of] woo,
much hee spake of cglas.'
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor: Naye, yt was neyther cglas'
nor ' glye,' therfore, fellowe, nowe stand bye !
Tertius pastor : By my fayth, hee was some spye 395 our sheepe for to steale;
or elles hee was a man of our crafte, for seemely hee was and wonders deft.
Garcius: Nay, hee came by night [and] all tninges
lefte, our tuppes with tarre to teale.
400 Prim(us) pastor : Naye, on a i glow,' and a ' glay,' and
a c gly '
gurd Gabryell, when hee so gloryd, when hee sange I might not be sorye, through my brest-bonne bletinge he bored.
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : Nay, by god, yt was a ' gloria ' 405 sayde Gabryell, when hee sayde soe ;
he had a mych better voyce then I have, as in heaven all other have soe.
388 primus pastor ] omit H glory glay ] glorum glarum H, glore glare B, glory glory W, glory glore h 390 of]
or D H B W h wo ] rowe H B W h 392 pastor ] omit H
glye ] glee H B h Dm. 394 pastor ] omit H hee ] it H B
397 wonders ] wondrous H, wonder B W h 398 Garcius ]
Trowle W h came ] come H B W h and ] omit D H B W h 399 teale ] tayle H, tell B W h 400 primus pastor ] omit H
glow] glore H B W h and a glay] on a glory W h, and a glare H 401 gurd ] good H B gloryd ] glored H 403 through ] for
through H B W h bleting ] bloting H bored ] borned B W h 404 pastor ] omit H h god ] my faith H 405 sayde soe ]
sang soe H B h Dm., biganne so Wr. 406 I have ] had I H
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 56
Tertius pastor : Wyll (y)ee here how hee sange ' celsis,' for on that sadly hee sett him; nayther singe ' sar,' nor soe well c cis,' 4*0
ney ; pax,' 4 merye mawd when shee had mett him.'
Garcius: On tyme hee touched on 'tarre,' |46b]
and therto I tooke good intent, all heaven might not have gonne harre, that note on high when hee up hent. 415
Prim(tis) pastor: and after a 'pax,' or of peace, up as a pye hee pyped, such a loden — this is noe lesse— never in my life me so lyked.
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : Upon c hominibus ' he muted, 4>o that much mervayle to mee was ; and aye I quoked when he so whewted, I durst not hede wher that y t was
Tertius pastor : Yett, yett, hee sange more then all this,
for some word is worthy a forder, 4*5
for hee sange 4bon« voluntatis,' that is a cropp that passeth all other.
408 pastor ] omit H yee ] hee D, you H B W k 410 Sar ] sir W h singe ] sang H B h Dm., singes Wr. 411 ney ]
ner H B W h had] so W 412 Garcius ] Trowle W h on]
upon H B W h tarre ] terre W h 413 and ] on H therto ]
ther H 415 high ] height H B W h up hent ] had howted H 416 a ] of H B W h 417 a] omit H W h 418 loden ]
ledden H B h Dm., loden Wr. this] that Wr. lesse] lasHBhDm. 420 pastor ] omit H hominibus ] omnibus B W h 422 aye ]
ever W h quoked ] quock H when ] while H he ] the Wr. whewted ] shewted H B W h 423 not ] not not W hede j
here H yt ] I H B W h 424 pastor ] omit H yett yett ]
yett W 426] ffro my mynde it shall not starte W
worthy ] worth H B W h forder ] foder B W h, founder H 426 bonse ] bone H B, bene W, bout bone h 427 passeth ]
past H
56 Chester Shepherds Play (II)
Garcius : Yett and yett, hee sange more to, from my mynde yt shall not starte,
430 hee sange alsoe of a c deo,'
methought that heled my harte. And that word ' terra ' hee tamed, therto I .toke good intent, and 'pax' alsoe may not be blamed,
435 for that to this songe I assent.
Prim(us) pastor: Nowe pray wee to him, with good
intent,
and singe I will and me v(n)brace, that hee will lett vs to be kent, and to send vs of his grace.
4«° S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : Nowe syth I have all my will, — never in this world soe well I was — singe wee nowe, I rede vs, shryll a mery songe vs to solace.
Garcius: Singe we nowe — lett see — 445 some song will I assaye;
all men nowe singes after mee,
for musicke of mee learne yee may.
Tune cantabunt, et postea dicat terti(us) pastor : (here singe twoly, loly, loly^ lo.)
428 Garcius] Trowle W h and] omit W h 429 shall]
may H 432 terra] tarre B 435 that to this song] that
song to this H 436 pastor ] omit H 437 unbrace ] um-
brace D, imbrace W h 440 pastor ] omit H 441 never ]
for never H B W h I was ] hasste B, hase W h 444 Gar
cius ] Trowle W h Singe we nowe ] now sing on H lett ] let us H B, lettes Wr. 445 will I ] I will H 446 nowe ]
omit H after 447 Tune cantabunt etc. ] Tune omnes pastores cum aliis adiuvantibus cantabunt hilare carmen H cantabunt] cantabit B tertius pastor ] Trowle W here singe twoly loly loly lo] omit H, sing tooly holy holy loo B, singe troly loly troly loe W, Singe troly loly lo h
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 57
(Tertius pastor:) Nowe wend we forth to Bethlem, that is best our songe to bee, for to see the starre gleme, 4s«
the fruyt alsoe of that mayden free.
Prim(us) pastor : Nowe followe we the starre that shines, [47 a) tyll we come to that holy stable : to Bethlem bend the lymes, followe we yt, withowt any fable. 455
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : ffolowe we hit and hyes full
fast,
such a frend loth vs were to fayle; launche on! I will not be the last upon Marye for to mervayle.
Hie vadunt versus Bethlem.
Terti(us) pastor : Stynt nowe, goe no moe steppes ! 460 for now the starre beginneth to stand. Harvye, that good bene our happes we scene by our Savyour fonde.
Hie apparet Angelus et dicat : Sheppardes, of this sight
be ye not afright, 465
for this is gode might, takes this in mynde.
448 tertius pastor ] omit all MSS ; in H, therefore, this speech is assigned to Garcius. 449 that] this Wr. 450 gleme] gleene in h, cleane may W 451 alsoe ] omit W h 452 pastor ]
omit H nowe ] and nowe H shines ] shyneth Wr. 454 bend ] boyn B h, bonne W the ] we our H B W h lymes ] lynes H, lymis B W h 456 pastor ] omit H and ] that H hyes ]
hyeth H full ] so H 457 vs were ] were us H B h Dm., us Wr. after 459 Hie ] Tune H, Hinc W 460 pastor ] omit H nowe ] omit H 461 beginneth j begins H B W h 462 Harvye ]
here by B, here we H good ] before happes W h 463 seene ] see H B W h by ] by this H fonde ] is found H B W h after 463 Hie ] Et H, hoc B apparet ] apparebit H, appariet B W h et dicat ] omit H 464 and 465 ] -written as one line in H as are 466 and 467, 468 and 469, 470 and 471. 465 ye ] you H B W h 466 gode ] godes H B W h 467 takes ] take Wr.
58 Chester Shepherds' Play (II)
To bethlem (goe) nowe right, there yee shall see in sight 470 that Christ is borne tonight
to cover all mankynde.
Garcius: To bethlem take wee the waye, for with you I think to wend, that prince of peace for to pray, 475 heaven to have at our ende.
And singe we all, I (redd,) some myrth to his maiestee, for certayne now see wee it indeede, the kinge sone of heaven is hee.
[Scene 2J
48o Prim(us) pastor : Simm, Sym, securlye, here I see Marye and Jesus Christ fast bye, lapped in haye.
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor: Kneele we downe in hye, 485 and praye we him of mercye,
and welcome him worthelye, that woe does awaye.
T(e)rtius pastor : Awaye all our woe ys
and many man's moe *ys, 49o Christ, lord, lett vs kys
the cratch or the clothes.
468 goe] omit D B W, wende li 469 yee shall ] shall you H, you shall B W h 471 cover ] ken B W h 472 Garcius ]
Trowle W h 473 wende] wynde H B W h 476 redd]
wend D 478 see wee ] we see B, sheewe W h 479 kinge ] kinges H B W h 480 and 481 written as one line in H, as
are each pair of lines thereafter through line 4Q5. 480 securlye ]
soundlie H, sickerlye W h 484 pastor ] omit H, here and in
all the following headings. 491 the ] thy H B W h
Chester Shepherds Play (H) 59
Garcius: Solace no we to see this bylde in my brest blys, never after to do amys thing that him loth ys. 495
Prim(us) pastor : Whatever this ould man that here is, take heede how his head ys whore, his beard is like a buske of bryers, with a pound of heare about his mouth and more.
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : More ys this marveyle to mee nowe, 500 for to nappe greatly him needes; hartles is hee nowe, for aye to his heeles hee heedes
Terti(us) pastor: Why! with his berde though hit be
rough,
right well to her hee (heedes), 505
worthye wight, witt would wee nowe: wyll ye warne vs, worthye in weedes?
Maria: Sheppardes, sothlye I see
that my sonne you hyther sent,
through gode might in maistye, 5*0
that in me light and here is lent.
This man maryed was to mee
for noe sinne in such assent,
but to keepe my virginitee,
and truly in non other intent. 515
492 Garcius ] Trowle W h 495 thing ] tliinges W h
498 is ] omit H 501 him ] he H greatly him ] him greatly B 503 his] he B W h heedes] head is H, hidis B 504 be
rough] hydes Wr. 505 heedes] hydes D W h, hudis B
506 nowe ] omit B W h 507 ye ] me B, we W h worthye ]
worthelie B in weedes ] omit B W h 508 and 509 etc. ]
each pair -written as one line down to 5/5, in H 510 gode ] gods
H B W h 511 in me ] me in H lent ] tent H 513 in ]
ner H B W h 515 in ] for W h
60 Chester Shepherds' Play (II)
Joseph : Good men, Moyses take in mynde,
as he was made through god all-might,
ordayned lawes vs to bynde,
w(hi)ch that wee should keepe of (right),
s«o man and woman for to bynde,
lawefully them both to light, to fructifye, as men may fynde, that tyme was wedded every wight. Therfore wedded to her I was,
sts as lawe would, her for to lere,
for noyse nor slander nor trespasse, and through that deede the devill to dere, as tould me Gabriell, full of grace, when I had trussed all my gere,
530 to have fled and to have never seene her face,
by him was I arested there, ffor hee sayde to me sleepinge, that shee lackles was of sinne ; and when I hard that tokeninge,
535 from her durst I not wave twynne.
Therfore goes forth and preach this thinge, all together and not in twynne, that you have seene your heavenly kinge common all mankynde to wynne. [48a] Prim(us) pastor: Great god, syttynge in thy troone,
541 that made all thinge of nought,
nowe wee may thanke thee eychone ; this is hee that wee have sought.
516 take ] takes H B W h 518 vs ] as H B W h
519 which ] wth D right ] wight D 526 nor ] or H, and B
527 dere ] dare Wr. 530 to have never seene ] never to see
H B h Dm., never to have seen Wr. her ] his B 535 not ]
no H B waye] omit W h 536 forth] omit H B h Dm. and] omit H B W h preach ] preach forth H B W h 539 all ] one all B h, and all "W wyniie] mynd B, myne W h 541 thinge ] thinges B W h 542 nowe ] omit H 543 here is ] this
is BW, for thou arte h
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) tfi
S(e)c(un)d(m) pastor : Goe wee neere anone,
with such as we have brought, 545
ringe, brooche, or, preciouse stone,
lett see whether we have ought to proffer.
Terti(us) pastor : Lett us doe him homage ! Prim(us) pastor : Whoe shall goe first, the page ? S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : Nay, yee be father in age, 550
therfore ye must first offer.
Prim(us) pastor : Hayle, kinge of heavon soe hye, borne in a cribbe ! mankynd unto thee
thow hast made full sybbe. &
Hayle, kynge borne in a maydens bowre. profette did tell thou should be our soccour, this clarkes do saye. loe! I bringe thee a bell,
I praye thee save me from hell, &
for that I may with thee dwell, and serve thee for aye.
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : Hayle the, Emperour of hell, and of heaven als !
the feynd shall thow fell, 565
that ever hath binne fals.
546 brooche] brush H B W h or ] ner W h 547 lett ]
lets H, Lett us W h whether ] yf W h to proffer ] Deimling says " unnecessary and spoiling the rime, but in all four manuscripts." If we do not retain it, however, we have no word to rime with line 551, and if we do retain it we have the effect of a rime with 543 in 'ought,' As all the manuscripts include it I see no reason for discard ing it. 549 goe first ] f urst goe H 550 yee ] you H B h Dm. father ] fathers fl B h Dm. in ] of H B W h 551 ye must ]
must you H first ] omit W h 552 and 553 ] written as one
line in H, as are each succeeding pair through line 577. 554 unto ] to H 555 f ull ] all H, fullye W h sybbe ] omit W h
558 do ] doth H B W h 560J omit H 561 for] so H B W h 562 serve thee ] fare well H aye ] ever W 564 als ] alsoe D 565 shall thow] shall thee Wr., thou shalt H B h Dm. fell ] fall H
62 Chester Shepherds Play (II)
Hayle the, maker of the star[n]e,
that stoode vs beforne!
hayle the, blessede-full (barne) 570 that ever was borne !
Loe, sonne! I bringe thee a flackett,
therby hanges a spoone,
for to eat thy pottage with at noone,
as I myself full ofte tymes have donne. 575 with hart I pray thee to take yt.
Terti(us) pastor : Hayle, prince withowten any pere,
that mankynde shall releeve !
hayle the, fooe vnto lucyfere,
the w(hi)ch beguyled Eve! 58o Hayle the, graunter of (happe) !
for one yearth now thow dwelles.
loe, sonne ! I bringe the a cappe,
for I have nothinge elles.
This gifte, sonne, that I give thee ys but smalle, 585 and though I come the hyndmost of all,
when thow shalt men to thy blys call,
Good lord, yett thinke on mee. [48 b] Garcius: My deare, with dryrie vnto thee I mee dresse,
my state on felloweshippe that I doe not lose,
567 starne] star D H B W h 569 barne ] baronne D
570 ] omit B W h, added to line 569 in H 571 Loe sonne ]
omit H flackett ] flaggette W h, flasket H 572 therby ] and thereat H hanges ] omit H 573 for ] omit H B W h with ]
withall H W h 574 full ] omit B tymes ] omit H have ]
hath H B W h 575 to ] omit H, for to B yt ] omit W
576 any ] omit H 578 the fooe ] soe H, thee froo W h
579 which] wth D 580 the] omit H happe] hope D B,
happes H 581 for one] in H B Wh 584] To offer unto thee this gifte, sonne, f orsoth it is but small H son, that ] omit B W h I give ] I bring Wr. 585 and ] omit H come ] came H B W h hyndmost ] hyndermost H, last h 586 men ]
them Wr. 587 yett ] then H B W h 588 Garcius ]
Trowle W h dryrie ] drury H B h, dutye W 589 state ]
flote H on ] and W h not lose ] no lesse H
Chester Shepherds1 Play (II) 68
and for to save mee from all yll sicknesse, 5*> I offer vnto thee a payre of my wyves ould
hose;
ffor other Jewells, my sonne, have I none thee for to give, that is worthe anythinge at all, but my good harte, whyle I lyve, 595
and my prayers tyll death doth me call.
The first boy : Nowe to you, my fellowes, this doe I
saye;
for in this place, or that I wynde awaye, vnto yonder chyld lett vs goe praye, as our masters have donne vs beforne. 6<*>
The second boye : And of such goode as wee have
here,
lett us offer to this prince so dere, and to his mother, that mayden clere, that of her body hasse (him) borne.
The first boye : Abyde, syrres ! I will goe first to yonder 6oS
kinge.
The second boye: and I will go next to that lordinge.
The thyrd boye : Then will I be last of this offeringe. this can I saye, noe more.
590 and ] omit Wr. for ] omit H 591 unto ] to H 592
and 593 written as one line in H B W h 592 Jewells ] Jewell H. dremes W my ] omit H 593 have I ] I have H B W h
thee] omit H B W h 5% doth] do H B W h 597-640]
omit H 597 yon ] om it W h doe ] will W h 598 or
that ] before B wynde ] wende B W h 599 pray ] and
pray W h 600 have] hath Wr. beforne] before BWh
601 goode ] goodes BWh 604 him ] her D, bene W
hasse ] hade Wr. 605 firste boye ] thirde boye h abyde ] A
by B, I] and I h 607 will I be] wilbe I W last] the
last BWh
64 Chester Shepherds' Play (II)
The first boye : Nowe, lord, for to give thee have I
nothinge,
610 neyther gold, silver, brooch, ore ringe,
nor noe rich robes meete for a kinge, that I have here in store. But though hit lacke a stopple, take thee here my well fayre bottle, *«s for yt will hold a good pottle ;
in fayth, I can give thee noe more.
The second boye: Lord, I knowe that thow art of this
virgine borne,
in full poore araye sittinge one her arme,
for to offer to the have I noe skorne, «*o althoo thou be but a child.
ffor lewell have I none to give thee,
to mayntayne thy royall dignitye,
but my hood take yt thee,
as thow art god and man. 6,5 The thyrd boye : O ! noble child of thy father on hye,
alas ! what have I for to give thee ?
save only my pipe that soundeth so royallye,
elles truely have I nothinge at all.
Were I in the rocke or in the valey a-lowe, 63o I could make this pipe sound, I swere,
that all the world should ringe,
and quaver as yt would fall.
(309 boye ] plaie W 610 ore ] nor B W h 618 though
hit lacke ] that yt lackes Wr. 614 fayre ] omit W 617 I
know that ] omit W h this ] the h 619 have I ] I have
B W h 621 lewell ] Jewells B 622 to ] for to W h
623 take ] thou take B, then take h Wr., that take Dm. 625 thy father on hye ] the B W h 626 to give j omit B W h
thee ] at beginning of 627 in B 627 that soundeth so royallye ] omit B W h 628 have I ] omit B W h at all ] omit B W h
629 the valey alowe ] omit B W h 630 sound I swere ]
omit B W h 631 world ] wood B W h ringe ] at beginning of 632 in B 632 quaver] quiver B W h would fall] were B Wh
Chester Shepherds1 Play (II) 65
Thejiii loye: Nowe, chyld, although thou be commen
from God,
and bee thyselfe god in thy manhoode, yett I knowe that in thy chyldhood 635
thow will for sweetmeat looke. To pull downe apples, payres, and ploomes, ould Joseph shall not neede to hurte his
(thombes),
because thow haste not plentye of cromes, I give thee here my nut hooke. 64<>
Prim(us) pastor : Nowe fare well, mother and maye, for of synne nought thow wottest; thow hast brought forth this daye gode sonne, of might is most. Wherfore men shall saye 645
4 blessed,' in every coast and place, be hee memoriall for vs all, and that wee may from synne fall, and stand ever in his grace, our lord god bee with thee !
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor: Brethren, lett vs all three singing walke homwardlye ; vnkynd will I never in noe case bee, but preach all that I can and knowe, As Gabryell taught by his grace mee, singinge awaye, hethen will I [no we].
634 thyselfe god ] god thyself B W h 636 will ] wilt B W h 637 apples payres ] peares appells B 638 thombes ] handes D B 639 not ] no h 640 nut hooke ] millhook B 644 Gode J
Gods H B W h of might ] which of might H, of mightest B W h most] mast H 647 hee] thou H B h, you W for vs]
for me and for us H B W h 648 and ] so H B 649 his ]
thy H B W h 652 homwardlye ] homewardes B H W h
653 never ] omit B W h 654 all ] ever H B W h knowe ]
cryeJH B W h 656 awaye ] alway H hethen ] hense Wr.
E
66 Chester Shepherds3 Play (II)
Terti(us) pastor : Over the sea, and I may have grace, I will gange and goe about nowe, to preach this thinge in every place, 660 and sheepe will I keepe no more nowe.
Garcius: I read, wee vs agree
for our mysdeedes amendes to make, for soe now will I,
and to the chyld I wholey mee betake 665 for aye, securelye.
sheppardes craft I forsake,
and to an anker hereby
I will, in my prayers (to) wach and wake.
Prim(us) pastor : And I (am) hermitte, 6?° to prayse god, to praye,
to walke by stye and by streytt,
in wildernes to walke for aye ;
and I shall noe man meete
but for my living I shall him praye, 675 barefoote one my feete,
and thus will I live ever and aye. [49 b] ffor aye, ever, and alwayse,
this world I fully refuse,
my mysse to amend with monys. 680 turne to thy fellowes and kys!
658 gange ] henge W goe about ] about goe H B W h 659 thing ] omit H B W h 660 no more ] non B W h 661 Gar cius ] Trowle W h agree ] gree H 663 will I ] I will W 664 And to ] to H the ] that Wr. I wholey ] whollie will I H Br whollye Wr. 665 aye securelye ] ever sickerly H B W h
666 I ] heere I H B W h 668 in ] to H to ] omit D W h
669 am ] an D H hermitte ] heare meke W 670 to ] and h
praye ] paye H B W 671 walke ] wake H stye ] style W
and by] and W 672 for aye] ever W 673 shall]
will W 674 shall] will H him] them Wr. 675 bare
foote ] bare-f oted H 676 thus ] this Wr. 677 and al
wayse ] onys W B h, and honestlie H 678 fully ] will H
679 to] for to H 680] omit H
Chester Shepherds' Play (II) 67
I yelde, for in youth we have bine fellowes, I-wys, therfore lend me your mouth, and frendly let vs kysse.
S(e)c(un)d(us) pastor : ffrom london to lowth,
such an other shepperd I wott not where is.
both frend and cowth
god grant you all his blys !
Tertius Pastor: To that blys bringe you, great god, if that thy will bee ! Amen all singe you, good men fare well yee!
Garcius: Well for to fare, eych frend, god of his might graunt you ! for here now we make an ende, farewell, for wee from you goe now.
finis Septim(se) pagin(ae).
681 for] and H in] in my H B W h 683 me] us B W h mouth] mouthes H 685 lowth] such H 686 such]
omit H wott not ] not B W h where ] were Wr. is ] omit B W h 687 frend ] fremd H h Dm., framed Wr. Tremed B cowth ] cought H 688 grant ] geve H all his blys ] Amen
Wr. 689 you] us H 690 great god] added to 689 in H,
god graunt B that ] it H B h Dm., omit Wr. 691 ] amend
all thinges that be amisse H, all ] omit B h Dm. 692 men J
men now H fare ] fares Wr. yee ] omit B W h 693 fare ]
fayer B 695 for] and B 696 from you goe now] goe
from you now W Septimoe paginse] Septima pagina D,
paginae septimae H W h, omit B W h add deo gracias W adds per me Georgi Bellin 1592 W h add Come lord lesu, Come quicklye h adds 1600
E 2
NOTE ON THE TEXT OF THE COVENTRY PLAYS
The manuscript of the Coventry Plays abounds in con tractions and abbreviations. In this text all are expanded, and the manuscript form noted in the variants, except in the case of the following very common abbreviations, where I have reversed the process, and only noted the occurrence of the full, uncontracted form:
& for and,
co „ cion,
y „ th, (in the, this, then, ther, thi, tho, etc.)
x „ sh,
wt „ with.
Final e, er, ur, es, are denoted by various flourishes ; n and m after a vowel by a circumflex accent.
In the variants the readings of Halliwell's edition are denoted by H, and Kolbing's suggested emendations (Engl. Stud. 21. 166) by K.
Brackets [ ] denote my own emendations ; parentheses ( ) denote expansions of abbreviations.
[PLAY] 11. [THE INCARNATION.] [58 b]
[Scene 1 : The Council in Heaven.]
Contemplation : ffowre thowsand sex undryd foure geres,
I telle,
man ffor his offens and ffowle foly hath loyn geres in the peynes of helle, and were wurthy to ly therin endlesly ; But thanne shulde perysche gour grete mercy. 5 good Lord, have on man pyte ; haue mende of the prayour seyd by Ysaie— lete mercy meke thi hyest mageste —
wolde God thu woldyst breke thi hefne myghtye
and com down here into erth, I0
and levyn geres thre and threttye,
thyn famy[sch]t ffolke with thi fode to fede.
To staunche th[eir] th[yr]st lete thi syde blede,
ifor erst wole not be mad redempcion.
Cum vesyte vs in this tyme of nede ; IS
of thi careful creatures, Lord, haue compassyon.
A! woo to vs wrecchis, if wrecchis be,
ffor God hath addyd ssorwe to sorwe.
I prey the, Lord, thi sowlys com se,
how thei ly and sobbe for syknes and sorwe ; *<>
with thi blyssyd blood ffrom balys hem borwe,
thy careful creaturys cryenge in captyvyte,
1 geres ] omit K 5 and 12 ] MS has full forms thanne
and thyn. 12 f amyscht ] famyt MS H 13 their] thi
MS H thyrst ] thryst MS H 17 if ] crossed out and that
substituted in MS, that H 20 for syknes and sorwe] crossed
out and bothe eve and morwe substituted in MS H, but see note on source of II. 17-18 21 balys ] babys H 22 ] MS has full
form thy
72 Coventry Incarnation (1)
A ! tary not, gracious Lord, tyl it be to-morwe ! The devyl hath dysceyved hem be his iniquite.
25 A ! q(uo)d Jeremye, who shal gyff wellys to myn
eynes,
that I may wepe bothe day and nyght to se cure bretheryn in so longe peynes? [59 a j here myschevys amende may thi meche myght!
As grett as the se, Lord, was Adamys contryssyon
ryght ; 30 ffrom oure hed is falle the crowne;
man is comeryd in synne. I crye to thi sy^ht : Gracyous Lord, gracyous Lord, gracyous Lord, come downe !
Virtutes : Lord, plesyth it thin hyg domynacion
on man that thu made to haue pyte. 35 Patryarchys and p(ro)phetys han made supply-
cacion,
oure offyse is to presente here p(re)yeres to the ; Aungelys, Archaungelys, we thre that ben in the fyrst ierarchie, ffor man to thin hy mageste 40 mercy ! mercy ! mercy ! we crye.
The aungel, Lord, thu made so gloryous, whos